16 Nisan 1848 Tarihli The New York Herald Gazetesi Sayfa 1

16 Nisan 1848 tarihli The New York Herald Gazetesi Sayfa 1
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1? 1 ? TH Wbota Ha. 8070 THE GREAT EVENTS OF THE AGE. THE EUROPEAN REVOLUTIONS, IN AN ENGLISH POINT OF VIEW. JTSWS AND OPINIONS, &e. if. if. [From the Msnohr*t?r Examiner. March <ii ] H'- who h?d predicted, wh^n the February revolution first announced itself in England, that the general sinking ofthe nations, by which it w*s sure to be followed, was but the prelude of a sfdfast European peace, would have been laughed at as a madman, if not scouted as a hypocrite. To the politician and to the commercial man?to the thoughtful and the thoughtless ?to those who exulted, as to those who mourned, over the final downfall of monarchy in France?there was visible but one immediate result?the transmutation of our peaceful and civilized Europe into an enormous battle, field, on which liberty and despoiism were to fight together, on a scale never before witnessed; w hile trade and traffic fled, terrified, into the distance. Yet, now that a month has elapsed since those February days, and our outlook into the future has become immeasurably surer and clearer, it is evident that the prophesier of peace would have been more trustworthy than the prophesier of wir The fate of Cassandra, who, in the midst of joyful security, predicted impeding calamity, has become ahy-word. Here the case would have been exactly reversed The foreteller of peace and prosperity, in the midst ol neiu-tl conflagration and destruction, would, like her, have been seorntully gainsaid; and, as events now prove, quite as wrongfully. The great European revolution, which has established its d< ttrucHv* energies at Berlin and at Vienna, not less than at Paris, is fast abolishing the causes which have hitherto produced war among men; and not only the causes of war, but its instruments To our own rntods, this conviction rests on such sure and impregnable grounds, that we have little doubt of heiDg Hhle to convert it into a pcrsuiMoa for our readers also. What, pr< viously to the February of this remarkable 1843, were the circumstances which perilled the continuance of peace in Euronel Ttiey were three. First?the antagonism between continental liberalism and absolutism. ^nicil I?u|^r:u Mii<B rc.uu uicn ?ia\iuiu^ niiiuuD on one side, against think*rs and nations on the other; and which nnght at any time, have made, for instance. Austria march her troops into S .uthern Italy, Prussia into radical Switzerland, France into rebellious Portugal, and thereny have sounded the tocsin of universal revolt. S-cond?That strange abstraction called the balance of power, which made Lord Palmerston protest against the annexation of Cracow; a protest which, if Cracow had been as accessible as Lisbon or Acre, nught have plunged us into a war Third?and, perhaps, most important ot all?the existence in every country of a standing army, directly subordinated to the sovereign or the executive?a weapon of the most tremendous potency, yet one which can be set in motion by a whisrer from an idiot or a child. Were not these the three things wi n which the advocates of peace cad retrenchment used to be taunted! If we said that the English people had no quarrel with any other nation, were we not told of the hostile attitude assumed by the French government, lor example, and of the powerful army which any whim or audden jealousy might emb irk against us from beyond the channel! Or, on othsr occasions, when that statement grew threadbare, were we not menaced with arguments drawn irom the " alarming state of Continental Europe," and the "probable infraction of those treaties of Vienna, to which England was a contracting party!" It wi spoke of the possibility of mutual self-disarmament, we were laughed at a* well-meaning enthusiasts, and asked, '4 Who will disarm aloug with us!" Le? us see how matters stand now. In the first place, we need ecarcely say that the prospect oi a general war, springing out of the antagonism between continental liberalism and absolutism, is entirely dissipated by the events of the last fortnight. In 1792 the detpote of Europe rushed armed upon the French revolu tiun ; in 1848 the French revolution hat revenged itse'f hv rushing unarmed upon them ;?and see. nt Berlin, Frederick William himself, the sol die;-king, has (ranted every iota of concession lor which his subjects have been clamoring;? and at Vienna, Prince Metternich, the wily con quer?r of Napoleon, is flung from his seat of authority ; his influence, which pressed like a nightmare on the life and thought of continental Europe, is gone for ever; ana the democracy which now triumphs in Austria, no profl'ered "Archduchess" can, as in Napoleon's case, tempt into apostacy. By a lucky chance, these two movements have been simultaneous; Austria could not h? lp Prussia ; Prussia could not help Austria. From Konigsberg to Palermo democracy has, at a single stride, taken possession of central Europe ; and the long bloody war that was te have arisen from its slow and painful progress, belongs now to the contingencies ot the past. Iu the second place, the doctrine of the balance of porter, and all ihat belonged to it, has disappesred, or is disappearing and will never more cause bloodshed among them. The territorial divisions ot Europe are no longer to depend on treaties of Vienna, liable to be interpreted in any way, but on those much surer foundations, which nature herself indicates Nationality is now the formula ; no longer "balance of power." Nature has sundered men into different nations, united by blood and lunguag", aud it is these indei-tructible peculiarities, and not the chance agglomerations of conquest, that are henceforth to determine the political bouudaries of States France is distinctly marked out; there can be no doubt as to her political boundaries ; as little can there be any with respect to those of Spain, Poriu.al, Switzerland, and Italy The cry in Germany is for a united German empire, under which tha severed Teutonic kingdoms, and principilities, and duchies, may remain as at present, but combined into a noble unity. It is not entire independence that the Magyars of Hungary, the Sclavoniuns of Bohemia, and the Danuhian provinces, have claimed ; but these distinctions ol race will entitle them to self-government and institutions, founded on their severil peculiarities, and mildly directed fiom Vienna. While each nationality has self-government, ;t little mailers what ita nominal head imy be; and if the absolute authority of the nominal head is utterly destroyed, it will no longer be ambitious ol adding territory to territory, since over these it is to possess a tn-rely constitutional sway. " .? i n #iw? I Ki r/l mIkpc nnil me\at imnnrlanf nrt/J UUl III *? *- ??? ? ) %??? ?MVO? IHipMinHt UIIU cheering of all?in the* recent revolutions of France, Prussia, nod Austria?Ae who rum may read that the doom of etanding armiee at an instrument for the maintenance of dtepotitm, it tented. Everywhere the functions of the standing army are being usurped by a national guard ; in Paris alone this counts 190,000 men, and it is hut yesterday gone a week since 200,000 workmen demanded from the Provisional Government the withdrawal of the troops from Paris. At Berlin, at Vienna, the soldiery of the lint fired upon the people, and from both places have been iguominiously dismissed. Every where those two great realities, the people and the army, have come into collision, and the lormcr lins been Ir ft victorious Hut to make the victory a Inating one, standing armies must be disbanded ; ht?w else can there be security for popular initiiutioua 1 Even before the outbreak at Berlin. the cry had beeu raised of " No standing army " Will that cry be lowered, now that the pipy which raised it is in powerl In Austria the army has ever been the pliant tool of despotism; will it not be broken u.id thrown aside with the authority that wielded it 1 Already in France the disbanding of the army is becoming a theme lor discussion among speculative men. Perhaps it is in that country that the questiou w II first be s-ttled, and the old conflict between mind and matter be terminated, in that French National Assembly, of which the main elements, it is already seen, are to be men of the pen and men of the sword Were we too sanguine, then, in saying that out of this European revolution is to spring a European peace; each nation, with a democratic covernmeiil, without a standing army, and no iiirther cause for quarrel, peacefully laboring and enjoying 1 Through much inev.table confusic n, that seems to be the goal towards which Europe is inarching. A most blessed consummation ! in which, ua was predicted from of old, the ?'< rld's destinies anonid no longer be in the l Mii'tanf mere brtiie force?no long<rbe wielded t,v any aristocracy, cav that of wisdom, noblen>'ts, goodness J.I.1,1 MM nriiwr , E NE N [From the Liverpool Journal, March 95 ] The French republic is every day becoming less popular in this country Journalists pursuing their apparent, not their real, interest*, are administering to an increasing prejudice, and what the 7imes hesitated to impeach, the Chronicle, in leaders attributed to the Hon. Mr Smythe, M P , openly condemns. The provin ciai papers, which have no ideas of their own, . ok rt f k o . ?.i<l tku <1 u like loses none of its force by the conduct of the French workm< n in reference to ourcouutrymen vuriously emnloyrd in Paris and the provinces A".un, the financial state of France bod-a no stood Difficulties of a physical nature could be surmounted by energy?resolu-ion would enforce justice; but debts cannot be paid without money The evils resulting fro n this state of things are all attributed to the provisional government; and, guided by many precedents, the epinion gains ground that anarchy is inevitable, and that France will have again to seek repose in a dictator or a citizen king. The provisional government have not in all things acted with immaculate wisdom; but they have, nevertheless, not deserved ail the censure cast upon them by those who survey their conduct from a false point of view. We should recollect the circumstances which called them to office, and which continued to surround them; and, estimated in reference to their difficulties, it is surprising how much they have accomplished?how lew real faults they have committed Theif first duty was to restore order and preserve it?their next, to give strength to their temporary administration. They achieved the first by concessions to the work people, and for their mode of doing it they are much blamed. The principles ot M. Louis Blanc are sufficiently faulty ; out the provisional government did wisely in providing the hungry with food or work. It was what our own government did last year in Ireland, essential to order; what is done every day in England, and wnat is due everywhere to policy and humanity. The difficulties are great already in Paris ; they would be greatly increased if thousands of starving laborers crowded the streets of the metropolis. There is no charge of partiality made aguiust the provisional government; but, at the same tin e, they have done wrong in using the influence of their office for electioneering purposes: and the sin is not diminished by the suspicion < hat the same thing has often been done nearer home, and veTy openly too. The financial crisis is none of their work?according to a high authority, Rothschild, it ts not even the work of the revolution, for the commercial embarraeemtnle belonged to a period antecedent to Feb. the 2\th The mode ot meeting the monetary difficulty muv iiAf hflVA hpi?n thrt hA*t. Lnt thpir pifnru Iimv** been great; and what other mods would have been better 1 Would M Guizot have done anything more judicious 1 The mercantile inatiuct ia beyond the control of government; tor although we have a popular ministry?a country abounding in rich, wise and patriotic men?yet we, too, have had a panic, and a tolerably smart one Considering the emergency, the provisional government nave been, on the whole, discreet and moderate. They have committed faults, for they are human ; but so lar they have gained the respect of other States, and eccm to enjoy the confidence of France. To ignorance and prejudice they have been obliged to make concessions,?it is often the duty ol government to do so ; but they have done ull they could well do to make atonement for ine wrong popularly inflicted. The people themselves now sea the folly of ejecting foreign workmen?particularly English artisans; for the injustice and inhospitably alarmed the wealthy strangers, who also left them, and in losing them the tradesmen and mechanics lost their best custoinersi It is not only possible, but v>ry probable, that the present men will be Bpeedily ejected from office; there may even be another emuete,?one or moro convulsions?which heaven avert?but the republic it eternal. The time tor dictatorship is past, aud a monarchy ia impossible, lor France cannot furnish the elements of a court. The ornaments of royally are wnnted; there are ne aristocracy, no hereditary titles. Bonaparte asserted " that the destruction of the aristocracy h*rl nrnvoH futiil to fill fililhfi^ntii*nt pflnrta for t w tablishing a coustitu.ional monarchy in France. The revolution hud attempted the solution ot a problem, an impossible as the direction ot balloons. An aristocracy is the true support ol the throne; its moderator, its lever, its tulcrum The State without it is a vessel witnout a rudder; a balloon in the air." [From the Livorpool Mall, March *23.] The revolution in Paris is advancing towards confiscation, ruin, misery, and bloodshed, with more rapid strides than we anticipated. The truit and the result of this lawless triumph, ol brute force, and blackguardism, over property and social order?over justice, law, investments, the rights of foreigners, and the saving of the foreigners, and the savings ot the laboring classes ? entered, at the earliest moment, into our calculations, and with positive certainty, lint wc admit that we have been deceived by the velocity of the movement. So much sooner, therefore, will the bloodshed begin and the tragedy end. The National Guards of Paris, composed of the shopkeepers and petty tradesmen ?t Puns, whose wives do ths work ot buyiug and selling, while their military snobs of husbands smoke, gamble, and stroll in the sunshine, were the instruments by which the monarchy was overthrown, and a republic proclaimed. This seine municipal guard ?these valiant ahopkeeperB?are themselves the first victims of their own aggressive and revolutionary acts. Place them collectively in re vie w, and tney do not, upon strict investigation, appear to possess more brains thin nature nas conlrrred upon rabbitsi They first expelled from Paris tneir best customers?the English. Their native customers they assailed in their credit and estates. This wasanotner blind ami insane blow at their own interests as dealers, retailers, and tradesmen. Having immolated national credit at the shrine off patriotism or profligacy, ideal liberty or robbery, (the terms arc synonymous,) they found themselves in the position of senseless and unpitied beggars. In this their hour ot imaginary splendor, glorying in tile calamity they had caused, rejoicing in the gaudy attractions of the republican institutions they had founded, they were suddenly assailed by a new class of competitors for renown. These were the subordinate journeymen?the artificers, and laborers, and porters, and cabmen, beggars, pickpockets, and tnieves, of the most debauched city in all Europe. These blackguards, in the superlative degree, rose en mailt against the first revolutionary body, the national, or rather, to make their position inore intelligible to an Englishman, the municipal soldiery. The rabble have consequently overpowered, decimated, and virtually annihilated the National (luarda! This is just punishment. There is in this sudden transition an interposition of that divine power which makes man mad lor reasons far beyond our comprehension. The anopkeepmg and trading classes of Paris are now in the ntuids ot ihe niob?of Ihe lawless?ihe despcrat*?the guilty?the spawn of the prisons?;he mad, the vile, (he infamous, the lowesr, the dirtiest, aud moral.y the most repulsive, execrable, and most abhorrent of the canaille ot Pans. In this, and we may say it, we hope, with due reverence, that we see a finger pointing to the everlasting letters of the law?lie who does injustice shall periah, " and all the people shall say Amen!" We shall not trouble our readers by calling their attention to facts, with which they must all be familiar. What has happened in France will be lully recorded in our pages. But there is this 10 be considered, viz ,the umsenaions in the provisional cabinet itself, which is composed ot seven members only. By whom they were ap pointed to exercise the offices ot a provisional government is of no consequence. We shall only say, with dutiful respect to them, which is (he courtesy which her Msjesty'a.Prirne Minister awards to them, that they ar usurpers, selfappointed, the representatives of an organized fraternity ot thieves, and that tney are iiu more the representatives ol France, thin a certain number ot uawashed grinders at Birmingham, including the three tailors of Tooley street, are tne people of England. (From the London Bun, Mar eh 34 ] The true character ol the great revolutionary movement now affecting the whole of continental Europe is sufficiently attested by one very significant fact. In every kingdom in which that movement has asyet made itself visible, the first demand insisted on by the people, the first boon conceded by ihe government, hat invariably been Ihe liberty of theprti* France it is hardly necessary to enumerate?France, where the editor ot a newspaper has become one of the chief members of the provisional government. In Prussia, the King, anxious 10 forestall the popular demands, and rightly surmising what demand waa likely to oe the first and the moat W YO EW YORK. SUNDAY M< eagerly Fought tor, volnntari'y fisliert th<* freedom of the preen throughout hie dominions Iu Austria?in Austria!?the first paragraph of the Emperor's recently pithl Btted proclamation declares tint "liberty of th^ press is allowed in the tornt under which it exists in those countries which have hitherto enjoyed it." In Bohemia moH oth*r kingdoms, proclamation! to the same *ff-ct have been issued; in Sixony u similar one has been decided on In fact, as we have already said, wherever th-j great liberal movement hu* manifested ifIt, thrre tho freedom of the press has been almost immediately eeenr *d This fact is, to onr thinking, a nfl cient evidence of tit.- spirit which his inspired iri(i liif nrfjonf Tiliir.uix in rxuitlnl mil ? the portentous but j?mc<fie revolution of 1818 It i?? -in evidence that the people arc not tuny re. solved on obttiining their rights, hut tint tliey have learned to appreciate what their rights really arc; They no longer endeavor to prove uud exercise their power by reporting to vio eoce and bloodshed, neither are they covetous of the empty pigeautry and pride attending pur own immediate interference *tn Suite Maura. They have happily learned th- folly of such desir. s by the harsh teachings of experience Now -?rowa wiser, they only seek to obtain lees imposing, but not leas important benefis They demand, aud with an earnestness which admits of no refusal, a concession of their just privileges and prerogatives?a free constitution aid a liberal form of g tveranfrsnt; but more esiwc" illy they demand that privilege which ensures ihe pois-ssinn of all the rest?the privilege ot being honestly represented by a pr-ss unfettered by nuy censorship. Were we inclined 'o doubt tlieeflicicy nnd excellence of such a mod" of representing popular opinion, our doubts would t>e speeduy dieaipited on witnessing the eagerness with which every nation awakening to a consciousness of its nationality has insisted upon obtaining it, and those doubt* would be furthermore dispelled on remarking how resolutely and lbstioaiely every despotic and unjust government has hitherto refused such a concession. It is natural that such n government should so refuse, for such a co;ices*ioa would be the signature of its own death-warrant, at least as a despotic and unjust government. And it is equally natural that every nation resolved to assert us independence should insist upon obtaining that concession, for the establishing the. freedom of the press is its manumission from the slavery under which it had hitherto groaned, and the magna charts ot the liberty it desire* to enjoy hereafter But in tho present day it is not necessary to dilate on the importance oi a Tree press; in this country, ut least, it has long been duly re cog uzed and universally acknowledged?it has beconto as essential to us as oar national existence It is now hardly possible to conceive the state of society in England before newspapers existed, or even during the long period in which they remained in their infancy. How could .10 ciety now cxiet without a daily chronicle of the world'? affaire1 But, more especially, how could political 'iieasure3 be equitably carried on?how eould the welfare of the community be promoted, and our national liberties secured?if there were no m ans of exposing the wants and wishes of the poor, and no means of keeping a check upon the doings of the powerful 1 It is hardly poesible for us now to realize such a supposition. It is hardly possible for us now, in turning oyer the nages of Parliamentary intelligence which fill the daily pipers, to be able to understand t:uch a state of sffiirs as that ol which Horace Walpoie, if we misuke not, tells us, when notes of speeches in Parliament were r.ikffn rl.ivvn in ar+rot nnrl mihlish/wl n rnnotrl-'. .-able time afterwards iu a mutilated lorm and without the real nutates of the speakers. Of the political morality of that period, wheu unrestrained by a supervising press, that 3atne Horace Walpole furnishes us with a correct specimen, when, in making a comparison between his father, Sir Robert Walpole, and a Ministerial predecessor, he observes, m allusion to their practice of purchasing support, "that while his predecessor only dipped his finger in corruption, Sir Robert plunged up to the whole elbow !" Rut, as v.*e have already end, it is wholly unnecessary now to demonstrate the va;.t md inestimable influence exercised by a free press. Our object is rather to call attention to the convincing proof of the liberal, the moderate, the practical nature of the revolution in Germany afforded by the simultaneous stablisliuent ot liberty of the press in Vienna and Berlin. and the greater part of the minor kingdoms ind States. It is in Germany, more especially, ibuvt- all other nations, that the press should be invested with peculiar power and privileges.? The poet Campbell, in Ins very earnest and animated " O.ie to the Germans," in which he imagines " the spirit of Britannia," inciting her sister Allemania," to burst the tyrant's chain," dtdares that "Hallov'd fhric* the band Of our itindrsl hearts shall be, When your land shall b? ths laud Of the free?of the free!" more especially observes as additional incitement to the assertion of Allemaniau liberty:? " The press's magio Utters? That blessing ye brought forth? B-hold ! It lt?e in fetters, On the sail that g it* it birth!" II ij pi'y, that indignant reproach is no longer true. Tne land of Gjttembiiri,'may now justly nxult in its most glorious invention?the pres.-,? free from the resirictiona which have hitherto disgraced it, in ita own fatherland. [From tba London Naw?, March 24 ] Austria and Prussia presented the aspect of two very d'fFrrent kinds of monarchy, each of which, headed hy very eminent statesmen, was proud and confident of the duration and security of i's system : the imperial and royal politicians of Germany pointing with sclf-complaccnt au perionty, during these late years, to the embnr< i6sineius that beset Spsnish', French, and even Lnglish constitutionnl governments. As to the Austrian empire and regime, it was, in fact, one of the sixteenth century ; not very inlike what the experience, of Charles V. mi;,ht lave founded?a fatcieulu* ot countries bnuno logether by tne slender cord of having tlnscnd at>y right of inheritance to the house of Lorraine. In those countries all the institutions ol class freedom and independence, invented by the lid'llo egss, aud d?v?iop<d in municipal liberty oad feudal lights, bud been destroyed, and destroyed as n transition to that fuller and more equable state of freelam of which all partska. But Austria stopped this de relopemem tn (roniifu, and,'by Us religions bigotry mid ullltery poirer, held baok the pendulum and (lis hands >f ttm# for full three centuries. Prin;o Metteralch was I'srdlnal Grans tile, without thn red hat. He hid no idea cl a gov*rnraent other than t&et of a despotic lead of a family; and he governed it like a school, where the fear of the rod is varied and rolieved by the tmueemeDt ol the holiday. Whilst Prit.00 Metterciob thus upheld intact and **-red bis moster specimen of thi 'wisdom of anosstor*," the great uonb-rn rival of Austria proceeded to (level'ye ? ilrrpiniima ilhis raif* an enlightened despniim. faiheriag to It and enlisting in Its service all thi talent n?* iu? nnnan ouuiu ucvriopr, una Hit me lorae m?i great ml Itary system onuld comb.dp. In this system the kins ot Prtis. la ba.l a blind and devoted faith tKLer monarch* have defended w. at they esteem their di,;nity md hereditary righ:a The king of rrueelft, <>u ihe lontrary, bad learned to dread and to contemn the oou Uttuloual sys *m.ae worked In England and la Franoe; and he deemed himself called upon to foaud and to prewv? a system far more solid, and superior, In wbleh amidst all the semblanoe of tree institutions, the royal power should preserve ths great lultla'ive and highiaelleotual Influence These political views of the monarch were strengthened by his religious ones, whl :b were devout, and even fanatic. Ha took a high priestly view of th* duties of government, and thought himi?if missioned by bis hiogty office to provide religious tene.s as well at politlosl wisdom for his suhj -eta Tbls bran-new cast iron edifloe of Frederick William, has been blown down by the same popular hurricane which levelled the old walla of the burg of Vienna Antiquity has not preserved the one, nor prepeuse stgaoity the other The ohicuruntitm of MeKeruloh did not shut out light Instinct has suggested what the oenscr and tho ntl-eduoallonlst d-uled And, strange to say, the slledncatloa ol Prussia produced the same effect as the need aoat Ion of Auitrlm The people of both have l*.'iru.'d to will-to will emphatically and irroatetibly And the Viennese epicurean, ns wrli o* the Berlin aestdeuiiolau. havn sh'jwn themselves not behind the French In ch* glory and hardihood of heaping paving etcnes, defylrg guoe and soldiers, and tearing to shreds the mouarihy or ths authority, whioh supported itself upon rayon eta As we said yesterday, tho " sovereignty of the people" is henceforth the common lew of Europe, thu ugli whatever forms or functionaries, toy tl or elective, that si, vrtlgnty m ty bs carried on. Wnsreve r there sre great agglomeratioos ot men, aad wherever there is oommu.ii ty of opinion between olestrs: there reel.lee power. Tno old dogmas of power, constating in wealth, in knowledge, In hereditary rights, in loyal armies, or In paesivs obedienoa,are swept away, when we see the populatioa ot a olty, numbering soiroely 800 OnO eoule, overcoming au nriuy like the Prnssiau, unlimited in numbers, In iqulpmeiit, nnd unflinching lu loyalty ai d devotion, home may thtak such dooti lues daugerous; hut unf.r unately they are not doctrines, bnt tacts. A< facts, they cannot 1 bs nonosaled or dsnied. And It Is by allowing them, and providing in conseqoence, that ihalr danger can bs best u?utrallsed Dang--with os Jots not?xtat, if due wiitl nass and thorough liberalism actuate our ru.ors With respeot to Osrmany, wo feer that It is uot so i near tha haven of settled freedom aad established rights I ""*t"7*\ ~ rjT TSTl I j^j?| 3RNING, APRIL 16. 1848 as might bp hoppd. IIa?' tho King ef Prntgia, on tha flrat day, not only madn rvory full coDoewion. butlu making these ooact>s?iona fotbede a~y further collision between peop'e and ro!ili<'i?; hnd he ru?ho 1 in p?rson Into tho publio eqiriro, and imposed by hit respited pressnoa both on sol tiers and psopla? and thii lie miitht hays dona ?Kredetlclt William would harp tieoii tho aoyorelgn of Gem toy, nud the house of Austria abut out to form o nn\T unu * 3n iTuaiMn "ropirn nui toe Kwoitioos proclamation of (irrmin unity, am! bidding for Ucrnaa supremacy, put forward so ad'Oitiy in tha royul patent of i tie I Hit has been almost wa?h"d aw?y tu the bleed of bat very night. It was spilt. perhaps, fortuitously. But still it drpopuler izsa the Prussian monarch, puts him In e f-ilm po'itlon with the patriots of his country, and uo Germanizes him. It is i? singular ?nd fVal coincidence?the simultaneous discredit end dcpopularizuion of all royal races and ali o rudirtatrs for empire throughout th disturbed coantri-s of Kuro- s. The thr?e dynasties of France are uliie without pre'entACle oUlms In Italy there is not u eoT?roi;(U without n despotic and even libertloide taint. The Boucbou] are everywhere contemptible in private character, as m public capacity. The descendant of the houses of Ilepsburg and Lorraine is a Cretin. The Bavarian Kin;; is eput upon, end deservedly. The Wurtembcrgeru nonentity, the Duke of Baden a trembling hypocrite. The Messrs are governed by retrograde fools; ll*nover by a madman. The King of 1'ruseTa has not reoaped the eiigma oast oa roj al races. The Qrst element of conservatism, tne kiugly, has perished, or at leest received a dead y blow In Rucope?another ontaetrophe which we dly congratulate this country upon baying escaped. [From the Lona'ea standard, March 24 ] We hnvn breu favored with the following hint by a correspondent: ? " To thk Editor or the Standard. "Sir,?You will do well to state, in your widely extended newspaper, whatever outhentic intelligence yon oau collect respecting the number of KuglMh workmen x,veiled from France, together with the supposed value of wages of wbich they have been defreudod it shall be ray eare to spread the statement (by placard) amongst I he popuioui districts, and give tbe people a cerrrot noti'.n uf French fraternity Yours, "A Constant Ukadkr ok thk Standard for Many Ykaui Past. March 2S, 1?48.? We ere, fur obvious reasons, nt present,tunable to oomply with our correspondent's suggestion, but we *h?)l use all diligence to obtain an npproximatiou at least to the assist to his inquiries. Meanwhile, we believe we may say with oertaiuty that the number of our expelled countrymen is verygieat, and that the sums of whioh tn* y have been robbed by the twofold operation of retaining their wages and closing the savings banks, amounts to a good many thousands pounds The m?<t striklug uh iracterisuo indeed of tb? lata movement io Kranoe is pecuniary dishonesty, a violation of tha moral rule mora likely ta perpetuate 1 tee if evan tliaa the cruellies * h'ch disgraced tha first French revolution. and which, moreover, us in the case of that horrid convulsion, is ultaoat certain to lead in tha end to cruelty the most savage A character for strict integrity in money transactions, which is th? baeis of credit ill the osee oi an individual, la, if possible, more indispensable to the credit of a nation. We see by the newspapers that Mr Ilothsohild, of Palis. Lai promised the aid of his nephew, Mr. Rothschild, til London, to support the credit of the provielonal government, and it ia also modestly hinted that the Bank of England has a handsome opportunity of fraternisng ny a loan to 111" Bank of Kranoe. rhu provisional government .must give earn* better evidence of respect for the distinctions ot meura ef fuum, before the B*uk of England will pl&oe its resources at the mercy of that government. Wo have seen the robbery of the English laborer*, and the robbery ot the depositors generally in the savings hacks ot Kranoe; oat thus# ere not the most fl 'grant cases. There ia first the whole private property ot Louis Philippe seised upon ?yet the king bus committed no crime kaowu to the lews ol' Kranoe? il not even accused of one. Hismsjesty ale ays noted hy the advioe ea t through the agency of responsible ministers, in strict tr.rmi of the charter, nnd if wrong fins bran done (which wo for curatives deny,) trees rosponsibl* ministers, and these ooly, are the proper utjr.ois of animadversion The king never screened ihem; nay, wbsn a hint of impeachment was thrown out tint t thorn. the li ing at onee removed them from office. Upon what just ground, then, punish his cinjssty by a ... ..... . > r ...I. ,0- u,__ WUII-U.IUUII VI ?.IUl.|ll.T?L0 f.?r> t-enth had a trial, though a eoendalmily unjust on-; r.hsrles the Tenth wm not deprived of hia private pro perry; why then Is Louie Tbiltppe to ba deprived ot bis property without trial ? It may be that the Frer.chpeo pie dtxlik? (1 his rystotn oi government, even though that tystem of government gave to France a degree of pro parity altogether unpieoedeiited. It ia very likely that the French did dislike tiio system of the king, but that ia no (east n for elrzing upon hie majesty's effects, aa If h > wet e it citimioal coavloted of a great crime. France has been for sixty years ratting experiments in oil the aaveral forms of government, (Prince T?'.leyrand had sworn to ifteeu constitutions,) and In the opln ton of eome persons (though not in ours) she has the right te prosecute these experiments ad infinitum-, but what we deny, and what we believe.no one will afflrm ia, that she has a right to the epoile of whomsoever caprice or fortune may ptaoe at the head of any of bar governments Wc have spoken of the oase of CharTc* tbe Ten'h, who did really incur a forfeiture by breaking his c mtruut with tbe ponpls, aotl who nevertheless was left in unmolested enjoyment of his private property. But t'te case of Napoleou is still stronger He had cost France come'hiug both In lives and cc at tat roe. end In mon?y, but neither the French psop'e.nor the allies, nor the r"Stared Bourbons, ever dreamed of touobiag bia private property. Thn ca>e of thi confiscation of the private property of Louis Poiiinpe is without precedent; but we lament to say It does not stand alone. Not only has the ktcg boos reduoed, as a contemporary, we fear too truly, asserts, to a state of destitution, ell his family have been rtdiosd to the same uuhappy condition. Tbe Q teen, against whom no breath of charge has tver been uttered, has b-ten doprlved of lirr ample .Inwry, to which no Frenchman ever contributed one farthing ; act! of all her personal property, eveu to aer w?,r.irooe. in? dowry pi me uncuMt or monioeusler, every shilling of it Spanish money, ha* alio been seised upon. Tue dowry or ike frinoecf Je Jolnvilie (foreign rnonry still) h*s been In like manner sequestrated, though the l'rlnce wit enraged in servion at the distance of Afrlon when the events, which are made the pretext for this wholesale seizure, oocurred Is this invasion of tho private property of a no v merely private 'amily consistent with Krencb honor.' Wo know that it is a long way tn windward of our notions of KngUsh honnfty. Tho wise councillors, who now direct the liTiirs of France, are about, to take into the hands of the ^ >rcrnm?nt the cotton and siix mntlMinH. Perhaps I <h*yste right If a ua'ion is driven to tho alternative, ! it is probably better to have ministerial eotton sp nners than cotton spii.oicg miufeters and etatesmvn. 8uol) (xp?rimen'.s do rot disgrace the character nor neces onnly hart the credit ot a country, thong t they may not reive its trade. The seizors upon false pretence* of the -nods nt niter people stands upon a wholly different looting They who are guilty o( sueh violent iDjustloo istfrit character aud credit, and we know that there is hut one other resource open to those who have neither money, character, nor oredlt. and where the eourse of such persons must end Lot not M. hamartine, who is said to b? rioh, h >00 that coadscation begun with the myal family will end with the royal family. Once establish the prioelple that political offence _rn to be punished by a forfeiture of property, and political offences will be discovered In proportion to the cravings of the community. In the rude times ol r.rg'aud, it wss remarked th?t whera our old Saxon rule, the fatbrr to the bough, tho son to the plough" prevailed, feleuioe ware el rare occurrence, but that where the lord had the benefit of an escAesl of his executed t*uanl's land. felonies were miserably trequint So it is In tbe case of nations gcn>rally. Confiscation sows an amp's erop of nrtilotai crimes, and 10 M l.tmartla* and ib* other liberal proprietors in Kranoe will find it Wa hnv? Inte'y boen preparing an esiiiaatr oi tho ainonnt of confi<o*tloa* in Kranna between I7ef aod 1799; tbe lmiunt already cinfo r.ds oursdve*, but we doubt not ih-it when we present, it, with the vouchers, as We propose to da it will as much oonfouud our rraljrs [From the London Her,id, M?roh M ] Though tho French K?Tol?tl n rf July, 1920, profoundly sgitnted somo of t)i? minor 8t?tes of U?rin my, ?uoh i<s B ?den, Kltotornl Hesrc, J*?xeny, Wlrtemberg ttio free cl'lee, the Khennne provinces if Prussia, the dominions of thn U 1^ o! and somo other Btetes, yet it produced no v-ry risible impression?uulees of disrelish end dislike -nt Vienna, at Berlin, and at Munich Vt Dresden - nt Lelpslc-at Colnguo nt Fraukfoit-at Hamburg r.t Lubcok?there were in 1931, .is we rrnem her, romo slight dlsunbanc-s; but the authors of the three days ot Terif found no imitators to the c tpiuls of either Austria, Prussia, or Bavaria The inhabitants of Austria end B lvaria enjoyed at that epoch the greatest p"ssiMo prosrcriiy; Had though the subjects of Prussia, like hrr roil were poor and highly taxed, yet mush w.n pardoned to tho government of the late King for the -d-nlrable manner In which Ma States were governed The goveriiment of Prussia was then, as now, admirably, though not porhapa so in'crferlngly an 1 mechanlcsly n tmluisrorrd Tho m*aauro introduced hy Hard-n hurg't. in 1810, creating the peasantry into free proprietors. introduced a n?w order or olas' of m-o, and infused new blood into the social system Tiie abolition of nuneroui rostom-touses the publicity intr?dnced Into the public expenditure tho destruction of trade monopolios -the lus'.ittUiou of a uettixial eyst.ra of education, acd the new organization in 1S17 of the Haxon prorinnes, all t-nded to tnalte (he late King of Pruaaia popul.tr, and to render his sway not men-ly supportable, out cervlc able to bis subjects The burghs .? r eo in wealth, iu re?i."Otahility, to importance ; and tho.i (ti the 8tat-s 'iod parliaments iiad grown in'o'Uaasf, Still the people hop d and trusted that a dij would soon ome when u true roprosentathn woui 1 bo aocorded to t.iem Thu Uto Kiog, however, depart' 4 th s lifi w.thout tulfllllog his repented pr- mmes in this regard, nod tfc-(lift yais of the icign of his successor were pc i. J i.i laboring with dex erity and a*al to p-rfeot a o-.ii"acrc'al lesguo coinnionoe.l by liis father, and widen it vrea hope 1 would ultimately give to the Pru-sisu aiooa nby a prepoderant influru.sin the Merman 'lonfeteratio i. Laige reiulis. commercial and political, were expeot?d from n scheme at which both Prussian motusrobi ? j father as wall as son la iored under tryiug dl-conrsg-ments with uniform nod Uutiring prraereranoe. But though the trad- . n 1 wealth of 1'iusesia have iu couseijusu-o i increased, by rras in of tho Prussian League yet i' may be tno.o than doubted whether the political eonsnjuanocc are such u.- lite s-ve'eigu c -ui-r inpUt- d or o-iuld nave furee-iea. Hopes and aspirations arose that luo movent tit was Intended to he polltioil as well as fi?oal,wnd .hat ths monarch nl hel not merely to increes.'h s rt vsuu i and poser, bit to orrale a p. Ill leal a,illy in Merraaoy, and to place himself at the bead of It. | An educated and reflecting people oenaldered that tbe > ?- 1 [ERA] 9 r' ~ - * r~: r be*'way to nobleve this object was to accord to themselves a greater mea-ure of popular liberty, and with ell their might they called out for a constitution of states -for a Diet?in a worJ, for a German Hou?e of Gom mons, or representative assembly In the la*t sprlcg thl* was, after a fashion, accorded. hat in so rsetrcted end narrow a spirit that the great body of tb* Prussian nation has b'en seriously diss ttlsSed, and ?ft'?rls have j ever since been making by the b?.?t men In Pm<*l* to awakrn the monaroh to a sense of the nlffgvdly oonoes- I slon which ha I emanated from him. Th?'s efforts wero 1 vain; and notwithstanding tho general jus'ioo, intelligence, and admirable a tinl.tinier rat lou of th-< Prussian government?not 'Itbstan ling that merit, not family interest, Is the gr<nd recommendation in heraimy. in her dipiomsoy, In her courts of Jos'ice? still the great mass of this loyal and thlaking |>*opl? were orleved that their sovereign did no; aocord to them a free pfss a realty national representation, publicity iu their courts of justice, trial byjury.aud a right of public meeting and | oetitlon Had the king lio"n wMI aiiised in the last nutamn he would undonbtrdly have comp'ied with these not extravagant demands; but unfortuna'ely there were two dootors in his Cabinet or Council of State?the Dootors Ktohhoru and Sevigny ?an i as it Is the privilege of the doctoral race alt the world over to be arrogant, dogmatical, surly, wrongheaded, priggish, and po-itive, these prefi'ssors. like M. Gulsot in erauoe, resisted all just oon.-essl >n. The result in Berlin, as in France, Is, that there have hern Insurrection and bloodshed?that the ministry (including of course,the doctors) has beon dismissed, -nd that the king hai been oaliged, nefsnt volent, to ooocedo that whtoh might hate graoetully come from him seven or ?lght months ago. Wb?u the la it account* left Berlin, four days ago, Ktchhorn, Unvigny, Bodelswlugh, Stohl berg. Uhden, and the other illustrious (if they wsre at all pronourcable) cnlebrltlee, wero foroed to withdraw; ana Arnhrdm, Schwerin, and Aueriwulde?all meu acceptable to the people?wero appointed in tlielr stejd. This, however, was not accomplished without a lowering , of the royal authority, and a trailing of the roval nans, subscribed to a long an 1 lachrymatory letter, Uiiter.der Lind'n, and In every other public thoroughfare, by every burgher of Berlin Henceforth let us hope, that kings, whether of France or Prussia, will ovoid the dooteral raoo?will avoid pedants, professors, and lecturers, and ohooso their ministers, not from the (iuisnts and Bavig nys, hut from wise and sagacious men who have mixed with mankind, and know how to govs- ? their fellows. The German people are Mia, r> fl-otive, and tranquil minded Thoy are peaceful industrious, und well-disposed to love and oh-y thotr p But they can b* ulso resolute and determined, and the time has now ooine when it is no longer safe to trifle with them. The king of Prussia, we would fain believe, understands this now; and as his new ministry is the offspring of tho popular will, it were ridiculous to suppose taut their having understood it previously to their sovereign, ha 1 not barn tho condition and neoessity,so to speak, of their ministerial existence. It la in fluph n Snnfltnr? of fhn hiaf/trv nf IVimiilii - Nnnh a orltical moment of her fate -that a morning paper? distinguished for consistency to no principle or party, end for a rashness and Ignorance which would long ulnoe havo rained a younger public organ hue chosen to proclaim the revolutionary doctrine, tint Prussia claims the primacy, if not the supremacy in Germany, and that, as the moat powerful and energetio aoverolgn in Germany, the Prussian King ia prepared to ussum* the headship of the German body. U we eould contider this ebullitiou anything but the rhapsody and rhodomontade of young men in their teens in intell?ot. permitted, for some unwise purpoee, to write ietoing artiolcs ia misleading journal*. we should gravely and seriously rebuke such leading balderdash As a monarchical and coarervative journal, but yet a journal of rational progress, it is our duty to express our belief that the King of Prussia and bis ministers will earnestly disavow and indignantly disapprove of suoh wiokod, mischievous, and suoverstvo doeriues as those lnoonsideratidy put forward. Though em?u(r? and conflicts have taken place in the streets 01 Vienna and Berlin, Tory disparaging to the sense and sagacity of former Austrian and Prussian ministers, yet such eswu/si cannot bind or oonolude the German Diet oonscituttd by the treaty of Vieuna. of which Austria and Tmesis are leading members It is fortunately neither in the power or Austria nor Prussia, so long as the treaty of Vienna subsist', to run a race 01 rivalry; for predominance, or to seek to oppress and overpower the minor st?te*. Still less is it in the pew or of Prussia, now that tha great rmpiro of Austria has broken from bondage urd uurst ii>r leadlng-eti iog?, to seek to overshudow a power greater in extent, in population, and in material resources. If a new a-rangeiceiit of Germany is to be attempted, the work of the Congress of Vienna can only be ups't by the will of ell the high contracting parties, at tue unanimous call, request, and adhesion of the whole German rice To net Austria dhovu Prussia, or PrU'slii above Austria, is bsyoud the power of the, ablest newspaper writer in Great Britain a /orliori above tbs power Of the green and limber hU'.rattur who hu been allowed in so rash and revolutionary a spirit to addrea* himself to a grave, serious, and important qunrttou <4 public law, of vvbioh he is as Ignorant as tbo child unborn. [From tho Loudon Chronlo'e, March 34.] A Latin poet saye, in language too familiar for quotation, that there is nothing so pleasant as to wateh other people struggling with misfortunes from which we oarselves are free. Whatever the moral quality of the gratification alluded to, It cannot be denied that we enjjy it at present in a high degree Isolated, morally as well as well as phyaioaliy, from cur continental neighbors, we sic upon f rm, dry ground, and look idly at the raging waters beneath ui, philoeophlsing, speculating, vatiolua'.ing about them- how the storm arose, bow it might have i,sen avoided, whnt will be the oud of it Was the revival of the Oarfhaa Empire not the dream we thought it? or shall we have a German r.-public instead? Is thero substance enough iu the bond which unites the Austiian group to hold them together through the crisis, or will it break, like tow ? Shall wo eea a naw Lumbald Confederation beyond tho Alps; Hungary, Bob'tmla, Gallieia, drifting away like tho blocks of un ice-field ciaoted by a thaw; the elements of nationalities, hurled but not extinct, arranging themselves Into new formations? Shall we see a new Sclavonia arising in ike basin cf the Danube-to merge, perhaps, in a province of Uiistla?perhaps to grapple with that oolossus, a ad drag it to the ground ? Any or all of these we may see in a lew years, some of them In a few days. But we 'hall learn more perhaps by a glance at tho past, than by trying to pieroe the dusk of the future. For generations past the Austrian government has been engaged In an unceasing struggle to rule its subjects paternally, against their will Of the conditions uifi.it essential to me 1011011/ 01 a monarchical goverumeut-conditions upon which, as we u. beginning to are, the permanent exiatenae of toy form of goTernmant mutt heuostorth depend?we meau an etticiont and economical administrative system, a watchful, though not meddlesome, attention to the eondttion and want* of tho lower clas.ss and the encouragement, permlssively at least, ot the free developem?nt and healthy action of public opinion?Austria prided heraslt upon tha aeoond, bot pat 1 little regard to the flrat; tha last and most luipor- | tant she did not merely neglect, but dleooun'enanced and coubatted with the vigilant soverlty of tear. Sue dug c? als and mada roads ; aba was laying down a system ot r?ilways t.e complctest, perhaps, in Kurope ; her peasantry, wherever the (isrman element predominated among tne rural population, wero comparatively comlortihle and contented ; there was schooling for everybody, and very gooil eohooltng too, as far as it went (anluckily it did not go ve- y far); tbere was plenty ot encouragement, in a clumsy way, for uianuiaotnres and trade But ;overnmeut did every thing, and was seen and felt everywhere ; looked over everybody 'a shoulder, rummaged everybody'a papers, oateclnseJ tnj boys in every school, sat In uniform ut the lectures of every professor, and interfered between eveiy serf and his master, always taking the serfs able. It peopled Lombardy with liet'inan officials ; in Bohemia it waged a war of extermination ngainst the natlon.il tongue, inHuDgury.lt caballed ana Intrigued, pocked the Diet with funotlcnaries, and made puppets of the municipal corporations. rout pent It ptnplt^ritnpnr It ptuple was the moat venerable lormula of ila political faith; its discontented subjects a'tnbuted to It a worse motto? It faul ottr tout ajin dt dontur frcfipecAei*. It was pot tb?t the imperial government Useli was disposed to ba harsh or op .ressiva ?far from it Prince Metternich used to nay, and doubtless believsd, that Austrian osntral astion was the inilJest la the world; giving >s his reason, that, in the details of provincial administration, the province, with him, always occupied the first place, and the empire the ifcond; w u ere as In other centralised countries, Franca I ir lostanee, it was just tha revsrso. ion toot ot tno evil Isy in tlie struggle to perpetuate. through a machinery created by Joseph the S.cond for far diflSront purpose*, a scheme o( government repugnant to lb - actual state and tendencies of society. Kor whilst Austria looked steadfastly in one direutiou, the tide of events vs* s-tliug&s ntcadily in another. Throughout Western Europe we were learning tb* lesson. that those who are tit for political power will make themselves masters of it, sooner or later, by fair means or foul; and that as the capability for its exercise becomes more widely dlffured, anil sink* deeper and deeper into the eirata of which so.il.-ty is composed, the machinery of g >vei awent must adapt iteeif to the new foroee successively hroug.it Into play, or they will shiver it to atoms. None knew this better than the OeroiaLs, nowbeit- w?s the theory of politio* more deeply studied. In other States f the Confederation, grave doctors, stepping straight ficm the ptofnsror's o'isir to iho hustings, BgU'ed ss popular candidates an I leading members of opposition. The ponderous weupocs of O-rman res-arch were us . d to point a pamphlet or iotd a politic il njuib. Controversies?pullcingical, theological, and meraphy sioal?took a political turn, and ended sometimes in tne prose ution -more tbau onco in the ban:8htuetu ? of ons or other of the contending parties. The racial of esoitemmt were linden end Wurteinb.rg In the Was", Koaigsuerg In the North, end 1'iesburg, whore constitutional govornmnut w.s iu theory at least, no novelty, la the East The reyolu.lon of Jn v ?,*v? au icrpulcs to the moreuifnt, which Austria and Pruails, v/otkiog througu the German Dist put down. but cut 1 net a iniaiiatn - - j Since that time the waters have risen higher and higher j ruuu 1 the dyke or th? Austrian frontier, threatening, ! then?li not dislurbiug, the artificial level c.fthostg- j ?tut p el within. A rooond shoe'; vae wanting to let tn : t.ie flood, a .d that shook has oom*. The syrtrtn would i.,it bend it hae brokvu. A German writer hae said, in allu'lnu to the well known saying of I'rince Metterniofc, e-I;,re? mm I Ht i<*s ?"After us the deluge?is the Ungu ga ol a best u J > < statesmanship True -titeem tnsblp t? r. ady to sey. for us let tho d .iuve corns, if cone it must; tor us ui,on us over us; tor our children be tie subsiding w..tcis, I the dove, and lh? olive bianoli of pe ice " In snob n * spirit, micly and fearless, but Cool end forecasting e? would tain nope thai the crisis may bo niet lu Audit* i ? proper, and her provinces As regards the lieredite:y . 1 ."Hat's, the latest accounts ten I to aoufl m < ur not; ip time, that lu themtrsD<{U llity will s,.?edily be reet to 1; n but we have no news as yst ficm 1' eshurg or Pr go*. , a That tb* interests of Huugery, as well a* those oi It hernia, will be beeteerved by adhering to tb* onion witb | o Ir TT\ Li _0. Pr!?? Twn Cent*. Austria. we enter '.sin no do ibt; the 'anger line in that leeb'.e .mil iliT del itite ef pab'io op.olon which It bee been the mistaken aim ot the imperial government to perpetuate. [Krora the Lniden Tim-*, March *J3 ] The King of I'run s has responded to I hi csllof th? Herman p?opli, end to ?he pressure ?f this great emirgenry, by n.euurre end d<nlara'doni of t hi tout rig > rone, explicit, and momentous chiraitir V? suae? had the intelligence of the <!-poe|iioo of Pr'noe Vlstteenioh reecbed B-tlln, then King Krederio WillUm IV. grasptd, no to sneak, on It, was f?lltn.{, at thi authority of the leading Herman power, and oq th s f illowlqr dee the romerkabln patent or proeU'na Ian which we prla'?d yesterday tmd rrpe it elsewhere, wai published to th# oountry The rioti whloh oooorr?l si multaaionily hi Berlin, apparently from mere mischievous esciti-nint, nn<l the unfortunate collision which took o'an lntwo?i th< soldiers and ths mob, arn indeed Incidents which damp the satisfaction with which them declarations of the Prussian crown have every whirs been nostved but wo trust that no apprebeosio js of a a irloui insurlectin agiiust royalty In Truss!* n>al hi on arta'ned; nod never certainly did that people aid H?r<nioyat Urge stand In greater need of a prince of much intlu eu ;e, djiuimi, agii pairruupiu. in uruir ty e?rry nrf.it enterprise n t the regeneration of thrlr country to a peaceful uni happy terinlnatlt.n. The royal orocUraation announces that thi convocation of (be Kstates or 1'rusdv which had bran Oxed for tUa *J7ila of April, -will now be advanced to tha Jd of April?tea daysfrem the present lime; and to the del! baratlocs of (hit body the measures of reform In Prussl.. touohirg tho liberty of the press and other matters, will of courre be submitted But the weightier objects of this pro'duraation, ur<<_thoae which concern the avowed purpose of effecting, with the oooarnt of the otber mombeis of the confeue-atijn. the total regeneration of the whole Uermanio body. To u oertain extent it had no dcubt been kaprd that In tho proposed Corgreea of Dresden* the consent of Austria would be obtained to Knino such measures of national aud liberal character But It l.i evident, and indeed it is exprsaly noknow led re 1, that tha U'e ministerial revolution in Vienna has amasingty facilitated the work whioh was in preparation at Berlin Accordingly, from that instant tho Prussian government addresses itself to the whole of Grmany.ia tho tone of a poi/er which has ,:>r 1 i ^ have a ruperlor or a rival In 'he federal councils of the country. Prussia pledges herself unreservedly to demand and to ohtain from the confederals sovereigns all the great conditions of national unity, whioh havo long b-eu contended for by the leaders ?f the liberal party Germany is to crass to be a federal league (Staitunhvnd 1 and to became a federal State (Buntiu-itaol) ller affairs are to be governed by tbn deliberations cf a Parliament, ohosen in part from the constitutional bodies which will exist in oil the separate States of Germany; and the proceedings mid powers of this Diet < f the Umpire are to be of a strictly o institutional charruoUr \ supreme court of lidorol judicature Is to be attached to this fundamental power of Germany. The milt'try sua tlouocial powers ot the central authority will b? greidly increased. and u common Msg has already been adopted for the nation, by tea and by laud. All restriction* are to Iiq removed from the communications of intelligence, of trade, and of locemotion amongst the whole German people. The press throughout Germany is to be freo. One univoisal Zollverolu is to extend its laws from tue shores of the Daitlc.to those of the Adriatic ; en uniform system of money, weighta, poet cfflce, ice , is to be e.stablietcd; and, to sum np the whole spirit of this memorable proclamation in ono word, tbo king of Prussia propose* to take tbe lead in recouatftntlng the national unity of the German people. To strengthen the nilienal character of bis own subject* und tori it cries not now belonging to the present confederation, hs offers to unito tbn whole oi his dominions (tnoluuing therefore Prussia Proper and Posen) wi'h the territories of the Germanic bodv? a change which would raise the Prossiaa share of the whole population < f Germany to sixteen millions. In that case the extent of the Prussian doaiiuious in the Gerrunnio body would equal, anil perhaps exoeed, that of the States of Austria, wnioh at present beloogt- it. But this fact wr.s hardly needed to justify the sp'-oiea of primacy, if not of supremacy, which the Court of Berlin seems disposed to assume in the atfairs of Germany These things arc salJ, these promises are Riven, fu the very explicit tortus of Ihe royal proolauutioa. One thing aions i smains unexpressed, yet that Is the keystone of the u'oh, noil the evident couditiou of such a constitution. Tbo king of P> ussla cannot intend to create a federal republic, whose power* are to rule supreme over his own independent monarchy; . e roust, theretor*, infer that lis himieif, as the most powerful und anemetic sovereign in Germany, is prepared to aatuns, with the eon*?nr. of the other States, and upon the leading conditions expressed in this proclamation, the head,V. .I'll,. 11.,.,..,,.., h..l? Th? Horn....! IA. -?>h uulou under one common f?deral power, is so universal iu German; at this time, that if the king of Prussia hsd stood aloof, or Austria had resisted, It WM highly probahlo that the minor S'atcs of southern U'.imatiy would bare quitted the present confederation to form a federal union ot their own. The greater parity of strength among these lesser sovereigns rendered suoh a combination comparatively easy amongst them; but, on the other hand, a German nation irom wnich Prussia, and prrhaps the northern principalities, would be excluded, -nust have proved a fsebls and anomalous power. The great question,therefore, wbleb now presents itself for solution Is,'by what means the national Impulse of Germany is to trinmph over focal and provincial Independence; over the rights of numerous reigning bouses; sod ovsr many important separate interests. There is no such thing as a republic of princes; and the essential form of a monarchical confederation is monarchy. Wi must, therefore, regard the king of Prussia's manifesto as the declaration of * policy in which the most prousiunat part devolves upou himself. Not, Indeed, tbart we uoouse him of undue or selfish ambition; on the contrary, we appreciate the chivalrous generosity of his charaoter But it is impossible not to peroelve that the wonderful events of the present day have brought to opt stent maturity the polio; which Prussia has pursued ever since she ces?ed to be a mere electorate, and that the moment Is come, if ever, for the king of Prussia to claim the championship of the whole nation . Tsry probably tho union which is projeoted could be sffeoted by no other means; very probably, even with this powerful intlnsnce, it will have to surmount considerable obstacles. The members of the existing confederation are Independent sovereign state*, and the league whloh unitos them is a treaty voluntarily entered Into by every member of it. That set cannot rightfully be altered by force oilby'authortty;|aiid the consent of ail parties Is the only just and equitable basis on which new arrangements oan be framed. That consent Implies, at the present time, not only the diplomatic adhesion of the several cabinets, hut the unanimous acquiescence of the people; and probably the people will have the larger share in the transaction These, howevsr,? re ssssnt ial.by the Internal concernajof the Qermen people, which they have ample power and wisdom to aet'l* for themaelvea As far u the great pablio policy of Kurope and this o mttuental internets of this country arc conoerned. th* independence and union of Germany, nnder wha'evor form it may bo effected, cannot hut proTo as beneficial as It la important. There lies the huge and Impassable barrier against the Inroads of bith llussla and France; and there live* the raoeoi men who, beyond the Interest* of fair competition, bar# ce t'adilions and no objec'a at variance with tbs policy of Grsat Britain. [From the L on Ion Times, Maroh 21 ] We bad foreseen from the first outbreak of the lata French revolution, that no other country in Kurope would be more violently affected by that great commo ion than the Austrian empire, tor in none were there * so many elements ot change struggling for a vent, and in nons had so few enlightened measures been taken to avert the catastrophe. Happy would It have bsen for Pclncc Metternleh, and perhaps for the empire, if he had resigned a month ago, tha power which It was impossible for him to retain; but whatever danger* % might threaten the provinces of ths empire, he reded na the torpor of the capital to protect from all danger hia own person and tha imperial court Vienna was b?ll?ved to b? the exact counterpart of Paris, tor ss ail revolutionary force radiate* from the capital of Frauoe, so all the revolutionary tendencies of the imperial provisoes were hitherto lulled upon the frontiers of Lower Austria, and annihilated at tiie gates of Vienna In this conviction, however, as in many other ialltoiesof their oraft, r'd .statesmen and old Arch Dukes were niueli decdve l 'Lower Austria took the Infection; and the day on wbicn, by nn extraordinary o.>n> .-s-ioa to the spirit cf the age, tb' ancient satat.s of tb>,t province were to enjoy ihe privilege of presenting a humble and loyal address to trie ci .peror, the people of Vlenca superseded them, in I in a tew hours their resolution sealed tbe doom via ministerial despotism of 40 ye try. Tb.-re epp-er to be two distinct courses which events may now lako In the Auitrun dominions If at a mo meat a stateain<n, or a knot of et*t?*m*n, were to spring up, and If any of tbe younger members rf the imperiel iamity who ebeuld possess the requisite court .once rtrm' tsA and powor, were to assume tbe m siegcrac-M of a (fairs, the condition ot the Austrian empire ii bv nn msaus deaperate. The resources of ths country, which have beon crushed and dammed up. a-e tn-xh..ud<l>ie, r.he cl-.sraotet of the people In the Gormen province# ii not lutDUii-m; me uimoortiic eetatii' nvrrjiio?erful, end, u< lena thn uriatr.ereey are wholly riiuded nud Incapable, they wu' th?? tbrlr own ?.fety ?a well na that of tin 8I*;p, depends ou their astlvly ?apcuiln< the cauae of mticcel reform T.iwt aomn such men capable of gulling trie vesa'l of the State through the.ie ai'rua coexist in Auattla, we t>elie??, but l?, is impossible to f-r, *e? what chance th-re ia of t'<etr b'iDg ceiled to the cxaiciai of aujir, me rower. Yat D',thing o?u nrert to'.ol ruio. Th- emprmr Is re lavedl Known, quite jncaptMe of any d*o!sn>? or corsclusiou whntev ji . The Arch-bu tea, "ho "rro hitherto aupp iel hia piano and r-igne<J utiJer It'ehnme, arecaftaitUe by th'a tumult I he heir-prreuuip!l?e, sou of the uuh, uk? Kranoii Ctv'-f. is ?1|J 1 perbapa lb? archdu J? Stepbnn ie th" only m?m ef of the Imperial family who cuuld hope for the ooull lenc cf tha nation ; but he ie Keltma of Hungary on 1 has in re than en ugh to ,1a the a. As fo/"Hie iiiur? of tho letcrin- which tro new title j , quired, t ay i a lis taenia and universal | tbey hf.lf I the ?holifi"n of un entire syt-m of udmu iatralion w I he expulilon of ,? cor Is of public fuaotionari** who > ri ie ou'?eo lb* Kropiro. if auy in?n can accompli u hoe* I*bora ot H?roulee, Austria may be eared, 'or the lementa of a strong ami pro parous tocr ront, not ' 'generating In'o popular lie?nes. nr- no*, waotlcg. tut thlaiafhe n,ore f**.,rah',? eiew of tbe o.i?a, win on > ? e,ro?lyhnpe to a- a rea!1i*<J. Tsamueyr bahla alternative ia of * more al lining i.t revolutlw nary aha ranter, it i? byno nuane u like t at in the pie ent state of nation*! feeling tin ny o h? pr< vircos, and tu ibo el uric I o u li ion oi e po ni<! >1 itm i?p" err vl <?cr K -* p<*, tn fill c f the "i ptra i'.i<iril}, aiitcli l. * 1 t oat, i e . to i.a J'i alia tietr o ntiid i.ig tendencies, vslll ba fo IjWkd by a terlei f ioonl esploeione If tb? ar?etne? end ft adorn o

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