29 Haziran 1848 Tarihli The New York Herald Gazetesi Sayfa 1

29 Haziran 1848 tarihli The New York Herald Gazetesi Sayfa 1
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TH wiwugEe. nau. ? , :? == THE OLD WORLD. FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE OP THE NEW YORK HERALD. run, JUDO 2, 1848. Thirl Involution at Vienna?Ministers Prisoners?City I Barricaded? Union of Students and fVorkingmen? Oraad Revolution ?'?? the Interior?Different Sects in Austria?Yew Oovernment?Army of 100,000 Men? A Yew Pouter?Imminent Danger at Hungary. A thirl revolution hat taken place at Vienna, Indicating more revolution, and prospect of bloodihed; than any of the former. On the twenty-fourth of May, the ministry issued the decree of the Emperor for the dissolution of the Aoa.'.tmio Legion. The students and wi rkingmen united to resist; although there were three regiments of troops in the oity. The people and troop, fought, and the latter were driven, and two member, of the ministry made prisoners, and the reI m.iiiider lied. That night aud the nest morning, to f the latest, was the agitation increasing, and prer parations for a more bloody contest. Kour more regime nts of troops were within three or four leagues of the city; but the people had exacted a pledge of the officers of the railroad, that they should not be transported to the city, hut it is 'said that the commander i ef the troops threatens to enter the city by force, but i wnetner no can perioral me amy or engineer, ll ue railroad refuse, doe* not appear. Every atrnet In Vienna ha* one or more barricade* erected, some of them ae high ae the socond story, of the most permanent character for arresting the operations of the troops. The people, the labortngtnen, hare sent the students an address, demanding their services, and tendering to any of them, who might need it, the pecuniary means to support thorn. The students had the forces and were resolute; and they were in a triumphant position, at the date of the last accounts. They demaud the existence of the University and the Academy Corps, whioh have been dissolved; the withdrawal of all tho troop* * from the city, four leagues distant; thirdly, the return % of tho Emperor to Vienna, in eight days, or a Prince to take his place at the head of the government. They I almost demand te hold these two ministers and two J other) as hostages for the fulfilment of their condit tious I Affa'rsare coming to a crisis in Vienna,and tho parties r are becoming more and more exasperated against each v other. The Emperor must return to Vienna, or "it 1 will be too late" soon. The temper of the people will r not much longer admit of delay. The interior of Austria is in a condition stttl more alarming, if possible.? One hundred thousand Solaves, so called, arc on their march against the rulers and aristocracy of Hungary. Their leader has been pronounced a traitor, and a reward offered for his arrest, but ho will soon present himself in a manner that will make the condition of his enemies most critical. In Austria, this part of it I mean, are the olass of men called Madgyards, who are the preseut dominant party in Hungary, and comprise the aristocracy, and have given law to the country for 1a long time. There are, also, different parties, in classes. called the Croates, the Palaqnes, the Germans of the lover fortunes, the Sclavs* and the Serbes. All thsse are generally spoken of and embraced under the names of Croats and Selaves: though that .part called the Serbes. constitute, perhaps, the larger proportion.? These latter are a bold and warlike people ; they hare declared for freedom. They have had their Congress, and on the 13tb of May formed a government and a committee of safety, at Karlowatg, and appointed Stephani Choupilnotz their captain general* who has declared a war of extermination against the Madgyards. or Hungarians, now in power, and who were, in ages past, the usurpers of the country, end have always been the unomios of the Serbes. The prospoet Is, that the war of classes and sect* will be most bloody and desperate ; perhaps of extermination; as is now tbttsatened. Thes? subjects of Austria, now In rebellion,' have oon titutod the principal effective force of the Austrian empire, and arc now relied upon as constituting the most efficient portion of the army sent to Italy. The Croates, in particular, have always been jealous of the Ital ans, as being more friendly to the Madgyards than to themselves; an improsslon which, it is now being perceived in Italy, is important to eradicate. There is. also, a friendly understanding between this mighty power of the Serbes. which can ' s^ie an army of a hundred thousand men in a few ..''"{[fand the Muscovites of Russia, and they have no idea^of longer submitting to the power of either Austria, or Russia, or Turkey. The dominions of Nicholas himself are not free from dan ger under (bis state of things; and while the assembly of Frankfort are creating a new National League, for Germany, the Sclavcs country is rising in its might, perhaps to establish a new power, scarcely second to Russia he% elf. They hare adopted the white, rod and blue for thuir flag, and unfurled the banner of freedom. OBSERVER. Faris, June 2, 1848. Sicily Giving Aid to Napier?rfrmiei Prepared to Embark?-New Revolution/ in Anelria and Pruteia?Neapolitan Nary?Jlrrett of Two Officer! of the Jirmy? 31,000,000 Sclavet, Croatel, and Maicovitei. Sicily has taken her stand with the people of Naples The gorernmcnt of Sicily hare voted to wear a badge of mourning for the dead, and to take the most active measures to assist the living. Armies are forming to march on Naples; and the steamer Vesuvius is ord 'rod to ba employed In transporting the 11. Already largo forces are prepared to embark, and tli9 war wil' now be carried on with vigor. The twenty thousand troops seijt against the Austrians, will contiauo their route; and the only two genorals, or offloers, who have manifested a disposition to return,have been put under arrest; yet the king has a j-ood many troops in aod about Naples, and if they prove truo to him, there will be bird lighting The head of the king is at stake, auil he knows ihatjie has nothing to hope, but in vietory. ? It now becomes very important to know what course the navy w:ll adopt-if it follows the example of the ,.r I Hi* bin- trill hn imm..il inti.l ? auu|u,l_ if n >t. tli<! conflict will ho prolonged; bat eventually, I think, the king mint fall; for if Kugland moron to hi * support, nothing csu restrain France froui rnsliiug into tlin metre. and even if it draws after it a general Kuripean war liberty will triumph, although Ferdinand and his iniquities may be forgotten in the grand strife, the mighty movement, and the formation of a new government. Inthe heart of the Austrian d mi nion-, in the forests, as it were, of Kurope. and in n region bordering upon Russia and the Muscovite country, where it might be supposed that one spark of freedom never shone the tree of liberty has been planted? the powers of Austria and of Russia have been defied. and an army of 100.000 are on the march to meet the danger that demanded the hesd of their chieftain; while the F.inperor of the once proud and tyranuical empire, is seeking an asylum in the mountains and among the rocks of Tyrol, and his ministers prisoners in tliu hands of the students, whoso University ho had ordered to be dissolved. ilow impotent was the potentate, who, standing upon the sea shore, ordered the ocean to cease to fl >w; and equally so is that power who attempts to limit tho progress of thought, and collect ideas by brute force. Prussia is on the brink of another general revolution. Indeed. Berlin is iu a state of revolution at this moment; and, at Leipsie, a serious revolution has commenced, which although suppressed for the moment after soma bloodshed, will break out again and sooner or later sweep the Vangtorn. From Stl si*, tho Prussian assembly has received a remonstrance numerously signed, denying the right of tho king, or of his ministers, to furnish a constitution for the country, and alleging, that that right only belong.. to tho people and their representatives. How long can the power of a tyrant last, whan the people have relight, up such ideas, and how long will it be before these trnths end justice will be appreciiat ed by the whole country .' Indue 1. the interior of bdh Austria and Prussia appear to be advanolng as fast toward the goal of freedom as the capital ; which have hitherto been the chief objects of considnraMon I mention tile inov.-mcnt in the great country of the Solve. Create, and Muscovite, embracing some thirty or forty millions of people, as of suffleent importance to create immediate danger to the Aust.riau empire, and sooner or liter as affecting seriously the power and aecurity of Uu-da Indeed, before six months elap-es. a new nation may come into existence strong enough under her flag of white, red and blue banner ? the banner of liberty, equality and fraternity, to defy the power of both Vustrla and Russia, and become an ally of the French Republic, to hold despotism, in the rest or Kumpa. in enorn, w nn can rorsce me ironu or ine ncxt jreitr, tinder tho impulse of auoh n now and mighty movement. as brings 100.000 m?n into the field. cob looted in a f?w day* notice. and Hearing the tri-eolored Big aloft?thn banner of Franca, with ita old arrayment of colors. In the heart of Austria ; with a price ant upon thn head of their chief! Duke Etlenne. of Hungary, ia making every poenible disposition to meet the unexpected enemy ; and Paria ia waiting to hear toe news of the result In the meantime the capital of Austria begins to exhibit aotne unnaaineea. under the operation of thn acta of the Convention of Frankfort Thus thn (h-rtnan country ia in a maelstrom ; and yet the people In this state of anarchy, do not forget their aelf-rcapect ; and although anarchy exists, they give laws to themselves ; and the only blood that la shed, proceeds from tho resistance to some aet of tyranny or treachery on the part of thn dynasties struggling yet for existence : and almost the only error committed by tho people, is. in not making an end of their dynasties at once, as they will be obiigod to ere long. OBSKRVER Ptaii, June 3, 1MB. Revolution* in holy?Preparation# /or. War with tht King?Number of Persons Dead, and Wounded, nl Naplee?Prtchiera .Ihnut to Surrender?Jhitlrinn 7Yortp? in n Weak Condition?Stein Diet Herat! their Vroope from Naples?Iter Fleet Surrendered?dueIrian Ministry have Yielded to the Demand* of the People?England. Calabria, in Italy, has revolutionised, and established Provisional OoTWUtat, In open defiance of th E NE WE King. At Arlanc, a null town of 6000, and al Foggla, a Provisional Govarnment and National Guard have been established?and thera has been some fighting in the two lattar, leaving the result yet doubtful. At Co enxa. a eity of much more importance, there has bean hard fighting ; the troope have been dinarined, and the triumph complete, under anew government. At Paola the troope about to embark for Naples have bee? * slated, and constrained to deliver up their armsi.. tne people. The Sicilians have risen, and attacked and eaplured the fortress of Messina ; and taken the steamer Vesuvius, and sent her to Malta for 16.000 stand of arms for the volunteers Ferdinand, in the meantime, continues his work of recalling all the privileges he has granted, and of imSrisoning and shooting tho citizens of Naples. Six nndred persons have been arrested, and sent to the Arsenal; of whom thirty-seven have been -hot?three thousand have tied on board of five French skips lying in the harbor; among thuin are seven deputies. Twelve hundred and forty-two are already reported among the killed on both sides, ou the 16th and 10th of May ; and four hundred as wounded. The King Is giving high pay to his soldiers and the Lazsaroni. by whom he is sustained. From all sections about Naples, it would seem, that activo preparations are being made to overthrow the author of the massaore. Near Trente, the inhabitants of theoountry, incensed by the exactions of tho Austrians. have taken ! up arms, and attacked the isolated oorpa, and seized their artillery, which they have thrown Into the Adige. At Colfaro, the Italians have retaken tbe positions which they bad been obliged to abandon. The loss of . the Austrians was largo in this encounter. After tho attack and bombardment or Vioena, on the 26th, the i Austrians bad retaken the positions which they oceu ; pied on Sunday?since that time, they have, however. ' retreated to Motebello During this, it is represented. I that there have been several severe encounters, in I whioh the Austrian loss has boon very considerable. I But much more important lhan these matters, is the Information from Peschoira; by which it appears that that strong fort is so far reduced that upon the dent ind of Charles Albert, it U about to surrender; that for that nuroose. aud under curtain conditions. Charles Albert hae given hie opponent twenty-four hours in whioh to make the decision ; in whioh time he expeots to onminunicate with the Austrian Commander in Chief. The garrison is in a starving condition; and the whole Austrian army are within a few hours maroh, yet no relief is tendered ; although ail the forces are now concentrated in the army of Radetski, which he expects, and which now amounts to about 60.000. if these are facts, then th-< condition of the Auatrians is demonstrated to be critical, and their army too weak to resist the Italians, or even to give theia battle, for the purpose of attomptingto relieve so important a fortress as Pesehcira. Moreover, the steamer arriving at Venice, reports that the Austrian fleet, upon leaving Pola, had been blockaded by the Italian fleet arrived before Trieste ; and had been forced to makn propositions of capitulation. if this iufornrttim should bo confirmed, and also the news of the rising of the Sclaves before referred to, the war between Italy nnd Austria is drawing to a close ; and tho question of the future exlsteuoe of the Austrian empire, will bo substituted for it. The Swiss Diet are taking tbo most elfloient measures to procure the withdrawal of the troops from Naples, belonging to their several cantons. A decree has been passed by the Diet to that effect; but as the contracts were made by the oantons, ft is necessary that they should be oonsultod, for which purposo the Diet has been taking tho prompt initiative. In a former letter, I have described tho condition of affairs growing out of their revolution at Vienna, up to the 25th, and the three demands of tho people, load on by the studi nu of the University. On tho 27th, the ministry yielded to these tit-uiands, withdrew the tr tops from the city, and restored the students. Thus lias the first attempt of the Austrian Emperor, to imitate his relative and coadjutor at Naples, been defeated?he had not an English Admiral and fleet to assist him I peroeivo thoro is a good deal of talk yet in England, but thero is very littlo of that kind of argument, which can alone be effectual with the English government. Indeed, in England, the masses have behaved in the most cowardly manner, and there i? very little indication by their conduct, that they are wsrthy of any other condition than to serve. Men who aro willing to serve, rather than contend, in earnest, and in good faith, for their rights, and to risk life and limb, are not worthy to be freemen. Such appears to be the charater of all the movements in England, as lead to the eoncluslon that the people of England are not prepared to establish, or to appreciate free institutions. OBSERVER. Paris, June 3,1843. The F.remplions of Members of Ike National Assembly Defined?Report of Commission Against Louie Blanc ?Julet Favrt?Report of Minister of Finance Unfavorablo?Cumulative Salaries?Bill of Louis Blanc. The commission of eighteen, to which was referred the question of granting the requisition of the Procureur General, for the arrest and trial of Louis Blanc reported yesterday, 16 to 3. in favor of granting the reuuest. The rennrt was mad*, hv .Tubs Favra ulil 'to b? the brother of the consul recently appointed at New York, a man of unquestioned talent, and a fine lawyer ; who holds a place in the ministry, and a strong position on the floor of the Assembly. He. in his addross, reviewed the right of the Assembly to grant the demand of the prosecutors, and the extent of the exemptions from arrest of the members of that body. No law or rule of the Assembly, he alleges. < xists against making such arrests. Thero was a decree of the provisional government, I think, to which no reference is made, however. But that, as the Assembly is supreme, it becomes a question of duty and of honor, how far exemptions shall or shall not be granted. And after referring to the fact, that the oomuiissioa had heard both the prososutor and the accuse!, aud examined the written cvidenee produced baf >re th--m. which, according to the laws of h'rauco. ho says, are not to bo made the subject of publiu comment, or examination till upon the trial of the accused. The commission have felt it to be tli-lr doty to report in favor of granting the authority demanded; not with mt expressing, iiMweTor. Lim wi^u uiiti etvu in** ii1 ?[***. iiiai mi* ncoun- u will be iui to vindicate bimst If on the fluid trial. This report wu received wit li gr.?at consideration. and after a Tow remarks, referred to Saturday. fto-day.) for consideration. There was much less of excitement in tbe Assembly, during this d?>>s proceedings than on tbe day before, when the requl'ition was first introduced A little inoidunt transpired which indicates, at least, a want of tact In the aoruscd, in defending himself, and. with tne community, will undoubtedly prejudice the accused. Four members had testified to the use of certain words, by Louis Blanc, on addressing the insurgents in tbo Assembly, which wore. In substance '-to congratulate them In havingconquered their liberty to present a petition." These words were inserted in the requisition and Louis Blanc pronounced them false \ great uumbor of members afilrmedto the use of them by him. This took place during the debate of tbe first day. Yesterday. at the opeuiDg of the session, and bef *re the report of the committee, the President read a letter from Barbi-s. in which M. Barbes declared himself the author of these words, and denied that they were used by Lonis Blanc, his friend Such circumstances hare their tendency on the publio mind, but I now Ihiuk. that the majority of the Assembly will not sustain tbe report. I aru happy to say that there is no indication of any disposition to oppress, or of party spirit in the proceeding. Indeed, the author of the report I regard as rather inclining to favor what at first was regarded as the more radical portion of the Assembly. He took the lead In defeating the proposition of the commission at t he commencement of the session. In favor of having no executive, and only ministers; and placed himself in opposition to M. O. Parrot, who led the debate on the n(hvr side of the question I think the agitation lias abated much, at present, anil unless to-day's debate gives nWv vigor to the question, the debate will take the ordinary course, without giving rise to any unusual incident. The Minister of Finance lias made his report, which shows a vast failing off in the revenues of the country; and the necessity of husbanding these n-sourees. to prevent the rapid increase of their deb*. This was to have beou expected. Indeed, the salaries and expenses lu France, have been nndcr the old regime, anil still are. enormous; t?? nutuoer* Having two, inrce, Tour aud five salaries. instead ofono The ni?ue?. in this respect are paralyzing. nn l If will require vi.;orand Integrity to expel them. The truth I*. tli-y exist among the higher classes and the men who receive the profit* of theui,aro among tho?e In power. There i* a committee to take Into consideration such abuses find cumulative salaiies; hut whether they will be able to tern the current sufficiently to expel them, and to ; apply the remedy, remain* to be ye en. Time and din ! cuseion will accomplish it; but It will require both. I think The pre** ntill continue* impatient with the i Assembly. unreasonably *o. a* it *ppear* to ine--not considering apparently, that the whole business of the session In *tlll In preparation, In the committee room*, or bureaux, here *o called. I.oul* Rlnne left a bill of $1160 000 frane* for the government to pay. for the expenne* of dinner*, he., for hlmcelf and friends at the Luxemburg, during the ninety daya of the nrnvlslonal government. OBSERVER. * Paxis, June 4,1846. .daaembty Rr/uae to Surrender Louia Blane?The Diseuaaion and Vote?The Klecliona?Grand DiecMeion over Thiera?Condition oj Thiera?Ilia Paal and Pre leni Poaition. I Louis Blanc has not b??n surrendered to the hands of the new officers. The rote for sustaining the reI port of the commission was 337 to 36H; and the result produced great sensation. The ministry were dirided upon the question; and, In these grave circumstances < the fln^j rote was taken by ballot. Mossrs. Kaon and Bao lead In th> discussion for and against sustaining the report. Others participated; but these gentlemen corered the ground, and exhausted the subject, by the rlews they presented. M. Bac denied the doctrine of the report; ssld the position assumed was. to demand a rote of confidence in the conclusions of the committee, without seeing the evidence upon whleh they had w rc :W YORK, THURSDAY toted; that to (Mirer up the aocnaed waa to pre-judge hi* case; that there waa not auffloient evidence before the Assembly to authorise the measures; aud that It was only in riolent and palpable oases that an ?xo*ption should be made to the InriolabUity of the Assembly, as a general prinoiple. M. Kaon replied, referring to the arguments ef the report, and alleging, in addition there'", that when the law oflcera felt it to be their duty to prosecute, and furnished the Assembly, or its commission, with reasonable evidences to justify their conduct. the Assembly ought not to stop in to iirrest the career of justioe. There were several statements of members. giving information of oertain facts within their owu knowledge; and. after this oanvaas. the result followed to which I have referred. I hare given nn outline of the proceedings of this remarkable case which reflects so mueh credit upon the National Assembly of Krauoe, and eshtbits thorn before the civilised world as worthy representatives of the present age or civilisation, and worthy the confluence which a uation has reposed in them. Stung to theuuick bv the iudieuitv offered to themselves and t!i< nation, by Um a--mult of the lijth of May. and the tr.-achery of some of their own members. and the high officer* in whom tbey bad reposed their confidence, they have manifested, in this instance, their impartiality and firmness. in both examining and judging, and their indisposition to commingle with their duty ?ny considerations, personal or political, which did not beloug to the subject. Kroin the minister*. through every shade of politioal parties, men divided upon this question, leaving the result so nearly balanced, that it wa* only by a ballot that the minority could he satisfactorily ascertained. I think the examination will prove useful to the country and productive of good results. The election Is now going forward in Paris, and the discussions are varied and animating. The entire boulevards are tilled with knots of people, discussiug principally the propriety of electing or rejecting M. Thiers. On the ono side were offered, as reasons for nis election, his talents and experience; and on the other, these were urged against him. taken iu connection with his past politioal history and. so far as I could discover in the streets, the numbers sgainst him largely preponderated. But this is an imperfect criterion by which to judge of the real sentiments of.the wholo Parisian population; and it wilt only be by the annnnotation of the vote that the result of this interesting, very interesting question will be definitely known; and it will be regarded as Indicating, in some measure, the views of Paris as to the future policy of the government; and it will affeot the standing, to a certain extent,of the head men of the existing administration, if he should be elected from Paris, if the provinces elect him, no particular importance will be attached to it as an iudloation of public opinion; and the only regret the administration will feel is. that he is in the Assembly, where be may give them trouble. But i consider that M. Thiers is not to be judged, in reference to the future, under a republic, by the past, under a monarohy, whose minister he was for some time. M. Thiers is too great a statesman to think of adapting the same policy to the two conditions of the body politio. He has declared he is for the republto, and will sustain it; and I have seen nothing to justify any one in doubting it. Many of hia particular friends are now of the Assembly, and some of them members of the oommission to prepare the constitution ; and there is no indication that they do not mo<t heartily enter into the true spirit of the question .nil aHlv a.n?l fiiithfiill v n?pffirm thnir flutina Whan 1 first came to France, I could find no one who was the open advocate of a republic ; If they desired one, the; concealed their opinions. But when the masses buret out, like the eruption of a vole" nio mountain, overflowing and overaw.ng all oppon-ion, filling the etreeti and squares by tens and hundreds of thousands, and crying " Five la Republiyttt"' ' Jl has Its Rots!" and in their mighty advocacy overturning a monarchy and putting to flight a king and his household, then, in that moment, Paris was regenerated, and gave birth to new views and new forms. The change in thought was as sudden as in the forms; and those who were monarchists on the 23d, on the 24th were republicans; and on the 27th the nation was prepared to be, and was, baptised in its now principles, at the pedestal of the Goddoss of Liberty. That Thiers was among the regenerated sons of France, I hope ; for the fame of France has been extended by his pen, and his talents, In hei c tuse; and her history-,is still to be further recorded bj this celebrated historian. OBSERVER. Paris, June 7, 1848; Tht condition of the people of Franct.?Merchants anc Rankers, and Oovernment only are in want.?Their manners and habits of Life.?No poverty or suffering in Franct. I have spoken of the pecuniary embarrassment ti France?and that exists in faet among the mercantile community, bankers, and with the government. Bn among the people there Is no want. Provisions ar cheap and abundant, perhaps never more so ; anc there is no poverty or suffering in Franoe. No country, our own excepted, can oompare with Franco ii this respect. Sinoe the rights of primogeniture were destroyed, and property divided, as in our own rountrj among the heirs, wealth has coased to exist in largi estates, and the means of living have been shared d>j ??. "Cfot omrj m viv/ U*? i utm, nitu su llblio |IUT?J ty?so ft)w people who look destitute ; indeed, it cat scarcely be said that any such oau have been seen it i'aris, or in any other oity which I liavo visited Ureai is 28 centimes per killograin. which is but aboat cents a pound- this is the price of the first quality, aui the second quality, which is good bread, is about lit cent a pound. Meat is dear, and always so in I 'aris from 10 to 20 cents a pound?but every species of vegetables la cheap, and every kind of food abundnct ? The Freuoli uousume very little meat, even iu rich fa milics. and they live generally upon head soup and vegetables. always Laving plenty of wiuo. wblnh they conaume lu large quantities?all are well dressed- fewci people poorly dressed in Paris than in New York, including the foreigners, I mean, whorosortto that oity 1 sec leas of apparent want aud poverty in the city ol i'aris than in that of New York, notwithstanding tin difference iu the population?the reason is manifest? there is very liltlo luieign population in Paris among the poorer classes of the people ; and no suows or cold Weather ; there has not been a half inch of snow the past winter, nor any time when sheep and cattle would not live well, without any living on provender. Very little wood, or house rooiu. or furniture is necessary for real wants of a family iu i'aris?most people live most of the year out of the house?eat out of the house! iu the streets. iu eh ps?an-l nil that is necessary foi them, aud, indeed pretty much all they use. is a room to icdg i in. iu the summer, for six months. 1 do not be Hove a fire is made once a in nth, in one half of the f? milies. in rouimuncircuni-tauces. in Paris?thoy do not want it?nor w >u!<i they u-e it for any purpose, if it was piepnicd for them Every thing eaten is cooked and for sale iu every part of the city, aud with lest troubi) aud expense than it oau be procured for by n single family. fhc fashion is to eat in restaurants shops, and streets, whenever and wherever it is descried Men. women, and children, all adopt the same course Wherever (here it a body of iu?n, there is cooking going on. out doors, and aruoug theiu. Kvorywherw the Betiques are tilted with food, already beautifully prepared. The whole of Paris is nuo grand dining hall filled with clubs and classes in every part, at all hours of the day. aud uesrlv all hours at night. Hence, all the women work in - hops, or iu the street, as the ease may b?, and there is h t'.i m ilo and female among th. poorer classes to contribute to the support of themselves and families; and the wonieu are as smart a? ths men in the art of procuring a liviug There is, then little time lost in and about the affairs of a house, and no winter to consume the earnings of a summer. All the real estate in Frunce is cut up into littio pieces ol ground?from oue to five acres, perhaps?generally apparently not exeeediug one or two acres?and every part of this is highly cultivated?with the produce ot vi/lvlnh ilia* fapmar Knwa whef in nufiflkBarv fpnin (hit pit * I witt speak of the country?which here is called provenue, or oompagne. lie ha* a small hut upon thif piece of ground, about five or six feet high at the eaves and with one room only for the family. This in all he need*, and all he ha* Karma look as if they had been divided up amoug the third, fourth, and fifth generations, some Mines, as they actually hare been IVople in Krauoe want rooui aud ground. We have both to spare them and want people; of whom there i.< such an exoesn In Kurope. But there la no plaoe in thr world where the whole people work as hard as in thr Northern States of the united States, or live as well and have such good bonse*. and well furnished It h a strong remark, but a true one. and let our people ap preo-ate it. Travel where they will, they will tiud nc general comforts like those enjoyed by our own people Inhabiting cold latitudes Vastly less labor is performed in- all other parts of the world, in proportion than there; but their compensation is in tlie iuxuriei of home and plenty?in the abundance of every good thing which labor produces. Their labor ts voluntary and their sleep is sweet. But France is a great workshop, and the people arc industrious. OBSKRVF.R. Fakm, June 8.1848. (treat Calm in Porta?Lamar lint hat not ytl Resigned ? Minister of Foreign affairs withdrawn hit Rtsignalion?/>iJference in tht Political Condition of Fro net and America?Restoration of Law Officers?,'ldnjitior of Vigorous Measure?. This morning Is beautiful: the sky is bright, and the political horison more calm Neither Lamartine not l.edru Rollln has resigned, as the journals of yeaterda) universally announced; hut M. Basttdl, Minister o1 Foreign Affairs, haa withdrawn bis resignation, which if persisted in, would have caused the resignation 01 Lamartine, as they are especial friends. Bethmont hai been appointed Minister of Justice; and the two las officers who pursued Lewis Blanc so vigorously, and dealt such mortal blows at M. Cri'mloux, ex-Mlnlstei of Jaistice, have boen restored. The government havi presented some stringent decrees against assemblage! in the streets, by day or by night, sustained vigorously by Marie in tho Assembly, and adopted hj a great majority of that body. Kven thi press approbates this act. of the government, and tho Prrmr ?aya "It In the flrat (Tertiye net of th< (toyernnient auatalned in a manly manner.'' I d( not eubacribe to thl* doctrine, not that the F.tceutlye haye ehown leea vi*or and decieton that the people hare deanryed. in trno, to that, extol that y?iterday the National (aid, if they longer wantyi ??i IRK K MORNING, JUNE 29. 184 their support, they must (how themselves more worthy or public eoofldence In their nbiUty and efficiency. But the French forget that they have a numerous executive. and that tne fault ie more in the system, perhnpM. than In the men. Tble difficulty they will remedy by creating only a President, under the new constitution, as I understand?and that this instrument, as it comes from the bureau of the committee, will be reported to the Assembly In ten to twelve days. The oountry is growing Impatient for its appearance and adoption; and It Is of great importance to France that there should bo as little delay a? possible in this respect. I augur well for its effect*. and expect to see an instrument embodying much wisdom in its provisions, and indlcatl-g a capability of adapting itself to the condition of the country I hear only the most favorable reports from the proceedings of the committee, and 1 of their Incessant labor and unity of sentiment. , But for a time it is to he expected that there will be 1 i great struggles for principle, place, and power In France, and that a constitution and laws, and admlnis- ; tration which would be wisest for us, born under a re- ' public, educated in its principles, sohooled in our j | childhood to reverence and worship it as the arch of our ' , political salvation; acenstnmed to see the people rule, ! and at the same time to submit to the laws, at the moment they enjoyed the greatest liberty necessary for 1 their happinesB and compatible with civil Institutions, we, thus trained, cannot well comparu the condition of a people reared under monarchical institutions, un- \ accustomed, from their birth, to see the pageantry of , Kimrs. and courts and ministers?rtenrlv?il nf oil clpation in the organisation of the government. the i election of its administrators, the enjoyment of Its < place* or bounties; and governed by a military guard, , dally and hourly etationed at every corner of the i treete, dredged In military uniform, doing duty a* a sentinel, carrying a musket with a bayonet oharged. ] their guard-houses etationed through every part of the city; and their presence and superirtendence at every < public exhibition and, Indeed, every private party, | 1 whore thure might happen to he any considerable number of people. Let a nation of meu be born into the , world at once, with the strength, else and vigor which men now possess at the age of twenty-one. and it would require some time to teaoh them to submit to the regulations and disoiptine to whleh they now submit quietly, from lessons whieh they have learned in their infanoy. Any one who views justly the difference in the condition of the two countries, and takes into consideration another fact, that of the excess of population in France, may well be surprised at the manifestations 'f self-denial which Franoe has exhibited, 1 and the evidence whieh her people hare given of their capability of self-government. When I say, therefore, further struggles must be expected, I reason from the constitution of man and the nature of things: and vet, after my imperfect acquaintance with the French, I have every confidence in their present and future suc cess; and, because they may have an fmeute to-day, 1 and an insurrection to-morrow, it affords no reason that they will not maintain a republic. These are not 1 struggles between the people, on the one hand for a ' monarchy, and on tbo other for a republic ; and, al> though the old dynasties may furnish the funds, and 1 employ agents to create all the disorder possible, it does 1 not advance the cause. True, they hope to disgust the people with a republic, and cause them to return ' again to a monarchy; but the troubles have been less > in Paris, since the establishment of the republic, than for the same time after the advent of Louis Philippe, in | 1830. OBSERVER. ; Paris, Jane 8,1848. Grand Banquet/or 100,000 Werkmen ntar the Dungeon I ?Public Men turn of Defence?Election of Prince i Bonaparte and Hatpail the Prisoner?The few Con' greet at Prague daring the Authority of that at Frankfort?Ruseia or France will he the Mty of the Sclave i Power. A grand banquet is announced for next Sunday, for \ a hundred thousand people, and a thousand tables, for the working men, at five sous a piece, to be held at ' Saint Maude, near the dungeon of Vlnoennes, where ' Barbel and his associates aro imprisoned. This affair r has not fkilod to engross the attention of the Exeoutive. wsseuioiy anu people?mat u means an attaok on tne dungeon, and a release of the prisoners, on the part of ' the chiefs, I hare no doubt. The garrison is put in preparation, and the commander of tho fort has requlrS ed that the force, which is now 1500 men, should be doubled, and all the people in the iieighbwk?** of the t* i i.im. and within remab at the cannon, hare been forewarned to be ready for any contingency The s voto of to-day, as announced, shows a strong feelln t for tbe prisoners ; indeed, one of tbeui, Raspail. if not elected, is certainly tbe 12th candidate on tho list, the a number to be elected beiug eleven, and two in those * actually chosen are among those strongly suspeoted . with being connected with the movement of May 15 ; one man is chosen who has been in the list of the new Provisional Government made out by Barbes. It Is true e that the whole voto in the city is small, the highest f candidate. Caussidire, having about 125.000. while i'roudhon and llaspall. and others of their friend', havi but about 60.0000 ; but as the eleven highest candif 'dates are eleoted, some having only about that num her will be chosen. Raspail is in the dungeon ; and , tho few remaining votes not yet counted, which wore p iled in tho banlieui, will decide whether he shall ' range 11 or 12 on tbe list. Should he be elected, aa | extraordinary question will be presented. The choice of the t'-oplo is imprisoned by the government ?that will be tbe language ; and the argument.will be powerful. Prince Louis Bonaparte, the nephew of Napoleen, and the heir to the throne under the reign of the Kmperor. ranges No. 1U or 17 on the list in Paris ; and is undoubtedly chosen in Corsica, and perhaps one other place. Tbe Assembly had been discussing last week tbe question of repealing the law banishing the tamily of Bonaparte : and the difficulty In tbe way was tbe Prince himself, who last week came to Paris, but left again at tbe request of tbe government. lie has been taken up by tbe peeple, and made a representative. Corsica therefore, sends their Bonapartes into the Assembly. When the Prinoe presents himself, the question of his right te a seat will be raised. Indeed, the government have imprisoned one poor fellow for putting up a bandbill, signed by him. in faror of Joinviile as a candidate for tho Assembly, because, they said, it was seditionhe being under an act of banishment; but Louis Na poleon. in the same category, is aotually eleoted. They cannot imprison the Corsicans. But necessity is mighty in days of revolution ; it makes governments imprisons, and liberates men, and common law notions ' are stale?what is necessary is dons, and if those wh" ire displeased with it, ean undo it. they will. If on Sunday tbe people take Barbrs out of prison. the National Guard fraternise with them, and establish a neworder of things. Barbt-K will be In a condition to resort to the snm? principle of necessity. I put the cane, but 1 I hare not the least suspicion that such an event will 1 happen. I think the present government, as a whole. haM great strength, and that there is no more prospect of that, than there Is that Mr. Webster will be the next President of tbe United States, of whose nomination I hare not yet been tuformed Tbe Selave Congress at Prague, is in full motion; and among its first acts, it has denied the right of the assembly at Krankfort. to make laws to control the Sclavs oountry. and much loss to control the acts of that so1 vereign body The European world is just waking up upon the subject of this Selave movement. They have been so stunned by the torrent of events in Europe, that for a week they seemed to have no olace left to notice one of the roo*t important of them nil? tho crentlon of a new and gigantic power in tho heart of 1 Austria, and bordering upon the dominions of Russia 1 ?a power which will seek an alliance with cither Eranee ' or Russia, and whoso position, when fully developed, is to exert an influence upon the political destinies of E.urope. When the rising of this new star in the east, 1 was first noticed. I did not expect to have seen its proportions so far developed In a few days. Already the Emperor of Austria court* it. and threatens the Vlenninns with an adoption of Prague for Vienna, unless they return to their loyalty. The Congress of Prague, too. la disposed to secure the assent of the Emperor to I their existence. The question 1" also before the assen hly of Frankfort, whether they will recognize tbe delegates from Posen. and which la yet undecided. There la now in session a National Assembly at Paris. Frankfort. Berlin and Prague? all ehosen by universal suf1 frage ; and among the three latter, exereising. to a eertain extent, powera conflicting; in addition to which, ia the Diet of Erankfort. also a creation of the < revolution. Confusion still continues to exist at Vienna and Berlin; but the good sense of the people > maintains, generally public tranquility, in spite of the conduct and trenchcry of kings and ministers. When they will take the whole auhjeot into their own hands, and treat kings as au ''obsolete idea." aa Mr. Webster 1 did the bank, remains to be determined I OBSERVF.R. P. S. ? It remainagloubtful whether Emule do Oirar din or Raspall is the 11th elected. Marine Affairs. ' Snir Hwrt Am.**,?The passengers In the Henry Allen, from Charleston, sent us tho annexed testimonial :? 1 "We, the undersigned, cabin passengers in the ship Henrv Allen, on the passage from Charleston to this i port take this method of expressing their grateful acknowledgments to Cnpt. Oeo. A .MeMuun, and hie officers, for their gentlemanly attention and kindness ' to ourselves during t'ie passage, and feel happy in eonf (ldeutly recommending theui, and the ship H. Allen to the travelling community." f Political Intelligence. i Illinois.?The whig comm-eaionul convention r for the sixth district, was held on the 14th met. at . Hock Island. Col. K. t). linker was nominated on the second ballot. He received a small majority r over M. 1'. Sweet, Esq , and E. B. Washburne, ' Esq. The Philadelphia nominations are well re? ceived, thotigh there were many devoted friends of Mr. Clay in the district, r Rhodk Island.?The ytate Assembly met at , Newport on Monday last. 1 Tayloe Ratification Mkktino at Albany.?A ' very lmge meeting took place ut the eqntol in ' Albany on Tuesday evening, to respond to and , ratify the Philadelphia nomination. It was an ciiihtisiafftic aflair, and went off with but little dtsI , tu: juiieo. IT? T* A L JGJ XV A. , a. SPEECH OF JOHN VAN BUREN,' DJCI.1VK&ED AT Oeneseo, Livingston County, JUNE HO, 1848. Albany, June 27.1848. Valedictory to the Democracy?The Lait Published Speech of Mr. Van Buren?The Laet " Sermon on the Abolition Mount." 1 truui-mit herewith a detailed report of the speech delivered by Johu Van Buren, at (Jeneseo, on the 20th instant Circumstances having changed, Mr. Van Buren declared at Utioa that he would make no more speeches daring the present campaign. This, therefore, Is the last speech from the lips of the younger Van Buren, which the world will have an opportunity of reading before the close of the political revolution of 1848. Mr. Van Bnren spoke to the meeting, whioh was composed 01 several tnousand persona, as follows:? j Fallow-ctttiens:?A conrantion of the democrats of , this oounty. having Invited me to address you here to- 1 lay, It gives me great pleasure to comply with their i request. A presidential election is about approaching, i and the electors of this State will shortly be oalled , upon to discharge the responsible trust, so far as ' Involves upon them, of elevating to the chief magistracy of twenty millions of free people, one of the citisens of this republio. The great question which now agitates the puMio mind in oonneotion with this duty, Is whether slavery shull be extended to territories of the United States that are now free. Thomas Jefferson, in drawing the declaration of independence in '76, and in enumerating the oppressions praotlced upon the oolonies by the Kiug of Great Britain, charges him with baviug waged a cruel war agalust human nature itself, violating Its most sacred rights of life and libert y. In the persons of a distant people who never offended him. " This piratical warfare, (he said.) the opprobrium of infidel powers, is tho warfare of the Christian King of Great Britain. Determined to keep up a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing any legislative attempt to restrain this execrable traffic.'* The language thus employed in regard to the slavo trade, was not stronger than was used at that day by the same dlstlnulshed man, as well as by George Washington, Patrick Henry, James Madison. James Monroe, George Mason, and the other slaveholdlng patriots or the revo lution, in speaking of domestic rlavery itself; with the single exception that the foreign slave trade was an evil which our forefathers had It in their power promptly to suppress, and were thorefore responsible for the continuance of it, whilst domestic slavery was a condition foroed upon us by the mother country, for which we were not responsible, and which required time, humanity and philanthropy to ameliorate and extinguish. Those who deolared and established our independence, like those patriots who recontly overturned the French monarchy, knew and felt that the basis of true freedom was tho equality of mao; and to bring about this happy resalt consistently with tho condition of the country, tboy adopted tho following policy. In regard to tho Slates where slavery existed, it was left to the wisdom and humanity of tho State government to esoape from the evil. The unsettled territory north and west of the Ohio, oat of which it was contemplated that futnre States would be formed, belonged to Virginia. This territory was ceded to the United States Immediately at the close of the revolution. Jefferson was one of the grantors in the deed of cession ; the following year he introduced an ordinanee (cheers) by which it was deolared, that after 1800, slavery, or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment of crime, should never exist In such territory, or In the States to bo formed out of it. Three years afterwards an ordinance was passod by which slavery was immediately and iorever prohibited in said territory. This ordinance passed the Congress of the confederation unanimously, ana was rent to Virginia to ne ratinea by the Legislature of that State ; it was so ratified almost unanimously. The flramers of the constitution, at the same time and place, authorised Congress after 1808 to prohibit the foreign slave trado. This delay of twenty year* lu a work of humanity and justice was a concession wrung from the patriots of Virginia and of the North, by the obstinacy of South Carolina and Georgia, which States, by their delegates in the convention, refused to come into the Union unless the conoession was made. The first Congress under the new constitution, in 1780, to remove all doubts of the validity of the ordinance of 1787, ratified it by a legislative act. Kdward Coles, a most estimable and intelligent citizen of Philadelphia?a member of one of the strongest and most influential families of Virginia, private secretary to Mr. Madison during his Presidency. and formerly Governor of the State of Illinois? informs me that the ordinance of 1787 actually emancipated a large number of slaves, who, at the time of its pas-age, were found in the territory now composing the State of Illinois. So early us 1796. St. George Tucker, one of the ablest men ic Virginia, published a plan for the abolition of slavery in that Stale; and in enforcing the propriety of such abolition, he described slavery as an evil a thousand times greater than all the others which Great Britain had subjected us to, and one from which Virginia nrust be saved, or her physical aud moral prostration would be inevitable. I This glance at the early history of our country, and at the action of the patriots of the revolution, satisfies me tbat the framers of the constitution regarded sla very us a moral, social, and political curse; that one great object of the revolution was to escape from it. and that they intended to make and did make a government, in wbioh Congress should have power to prohibit and abolish slavery in all the territories of the Uuitsd States; that they intended to form and did form a Union, into which no more slave States should ever come, and the members of which should, in good faith, proceed as rapidly as possible to rid themselves of this withering blight,and rescue tbeir associates from the reproach and disgrace which its existence brought upon the association and its name. The policy of the country, from the revolution till recently, with the exception of the admission of Texas. Louisiana and Florida, in all of which, in my judgment, slavery ought to have been prohibited, (cheers) confirms me in this belief. Out ot the Northwestern territory, ceded by Virginia, have been formed the States of Ohio, Indiana, Wisconsin, Illinois and Michigan. These five States eontain u population of between four aud five millions, and almost exbaustless physical resources. They were formed out of a part of the Slate of Virginia, and how remarkably does the condition of Virginia, when contrasted witli thoirii. illimtrm.ta the* nf the* .iMffitpgnniitfi policy. She stand* still, or retrograded, whilst *ny one of them, with its boundless energy, resistless progress, rapidly increasing population, either now exceod*or obrlouely soon will outgrow the State from which it sprung. Who can look at those tire lusty children, and can even believe that they have ever sprung from such an exhauxted mother? exhausted ioo. not in giving birth to, or in nursing her children, but exhausted in lyiug still and looking at tbcm grow up after they were born and weaned. It is as difltcult to believe that such a mother should have such children. as that the great apostle ot liberty?Thomas Jefferson?should have such a refugee for a disciple ss Thomas Ritchie. (Laughter and cheers ) The policy i bat has produced these grrat results was not only introduced by Virginia, aud brought into successful operation upon Virginia soil, but until very reoently. it lia* secured the unanimous and hearty assent of the people of every section of the United States. When Louisiana was purchased, slavery existed in that State, and its continuance was guaranteed by the treaty of cession. At the time of the Missouri compromise. Congress abolished slavery in all the territory of Louisiana, north of 36 30. So late as 1838. the territory of Iowa was organised out of this northern portion of Louisiana, aud in the aet for its organisati n slavery was prohibiten in said terriUry. This was the laiest exercise of n power in Congress which has been exercised since the foundation of the government, and which was never, until recently, denied. The territory of Oregon is now without a government, and its people have been petitioning Congress for this protection. Now Mexico and California have been conquered from Mexico ; the President declares that they are ours, never to be surrendered, and he reeomnienls Congress to organise a territorial government over them. These imperative duties remain unexecuted in Congress, in consequence of the determination of cttisens of the South that the territorial act* shall not be so framed as to preserve the law of free dom. which is now the condition of Oregon, New Vl? xico and California. They deny to Congress, power to uphold freedom in the face of the repeated instances in which Congress, by the aid and under the lead of Southern men, has abolished slavery In territories ceded by a slave State. They claim a right to go Into a free country, under the flag of the United States, and behind the arms of our troops, to overthrow freedom and plant slavery there ; they not only claim tills light, bnt tliey deny to their political associates of both political parties the right to enter tain a different opinion. Important n? thin question In. the democrats of Now York have steadily refused to make it a toot of eligibility to office ; thev refused to do no at Syracuse ?at Iierkimer ?in their legislative address**. and finally at Utiea. in selecting delegates to tha national convention. Virginia, (leorgia. Alabama. Mouth Carolina, and Florida, on the other hand, hare resolved that they will, under no political necessity whatever, support a candidate for President and Vice President, who daa* not entertain their faith in regard to slavery. Their delegates have come to Baltimore, and refused to associate with those who do not entertain this belief; that the Utloa delegates were reacted from thto Baltimore meeting on this ground. 1 have no doubt. Kither the Utica delegate* or the Albany delegates must have been regular; but one set should hove been admitted ; the first duty of any delegated body Is to determine who arc Its legitimate members : if two sets can be admitted this year, twenty can bo next. New York can overwhelm any delegated convention : the Utloa delegates were rejected or neutralised because they advocated the perpetuation of freedom in free territory. The delegate* from ether States to Baltimore must have bed sense enough to know how to examine and decide a simple question of regularity ; if they had not when they discovered their incapacity to discharge the first and simplest duty of a delegated body tbey should have inf> rred their Incapacity to do anything, and adjourned. (Laughter.) In a peaceable city like Baltimore, it seem* to me, that If the assemblage nsd been thus converted Into a mob and Imd neglected to adjourn, some magistrate would have read the riot act and dispersed them 1 Infer, LD. PilM Tm Ui?Bl therefore, that they wilfully an J designedly leutralixed the voice of the State of New York, because that voice was for ftmdon The separate organisation In this State, has been formsd upon that ausstloa ; It was on this ground that a minority or democrats seceded from ths democratic caucus, and adopted a minority address; on ths same ground they departed from the usages of 2t yean, and organized a separate party at Albany, and sent ladependent delegates from Congressional districts to Baltimore The origin of tbls independent organisation was a determination to sacrifice Silas Wright?a plan to be effected by a union between traitors in the state and presidential aspirants backed by tha stare Interest out of the State -a combination of oflee seekers and Blare-holders, who saw In Silas Wright the chief obstacle to their adranoement; and the Albany Argui was most appropriately selected to form this combination, and to announce the plan of the campaign. On the S7th of August last, Mr. Croswstl. thus disclosed the progress of the conspiracy. Mr. Van Buren read the following extract from the Argut of that date;? " TH* WlkMOT PROVISO?ITS ORIGIN AND OhJKCT. ' It will bo recollected that the Wllmot prorlso, so oalled, was reproduced rroin our own State, immediately eg the opening of the last session of Congress. It was ushered in by a prominent member from this State, high in the confidence, and Intimate in the association of another distinguished citlsen, then at Albanr. who is regarded as a candidate for the presidential offloe, and it followed direotly a full consultation at Albany. It was thrown in before Congress could by possibility act upon the ten regiment army bill? indtspgn sable to the prosecution of the war; and. was Inteaied to act direotly upon the three million bill?supposed to be material as a measure of peace. Suoh waa its origin, and ostensible object. If the farther design was to create a Northern partr, and to advance the presidential prospects of a Northern democratic candidate, nothing oould have been more mistaken. It might create a Northern party?it might renew and embitter a feeling of hoatiltty between the two great, but not necessarily antagonist, seotions of the Union ; but it could not advanoe the ni>nang<>ia nfgnv Vusihnrn dumnnra t #aw t Vim KSgK ?Vb tioa to whioh any such politician might aspire. It might add to the actual whig itrength?and might afford 'aid and oomfort' to the partisan* of that faith.? But it oould only weaken and paralyse the democracy of the South. A Northern candidate, standing through hi* Mend* and adherent* upon this Motional ground, could not fall to en*ure hi* own defeat. It would be as Inevitable a* any the moot unalterable law of physics or Hoience, or the undoubted results of cause and effect. It would be literally a political fe o He ??. Three line* will comprise the result of any such suicidal movement upon a Northern democratic candidate. It would rally the democracy of the South, almost to a man, against him. It would inevitably divide the democracy of the North. He, a* a democrat, therefore, oould carry neither section?but must lose both." This base charge (continued Mr. VanBuren) against Silas Wright, of originating the proviso, with a view to his own advancement, was well known by Mr. Croswell to be in precise opposition to all the (hots, and was in conformity to tne Invariable practice of that editor, an effort to cover his own treachery and profligacy, by charging upon Mr. Wright the very thing he wan himself doing. Mr. King introduced tne proviso upon his own responsibility, as he has often deolared, and without consultation with Mr. Wright. Mr. Wright never desired political advancement, and never moved a finger to secure it. It was well known, however, that he was a devoted Mend of freedom, and it was an inevitable Inference that when he did speak, he would be found where Jefferson had been found before him. Knowing this, rival aspirants for the Presidency immediately conformed to the Southern test, and a conspiracy was formtd to sacrlfloe Mr. Wright, by uniting against him the entire South, and dividing, neutralising and disorganising the North, Kast and West, and most particularly nullifying the voice of New York. On the 27th August, Mr. Croswell declared the conspiracy sufficiently ripe to be announced, and the characteristic article which I have read to you, gentlemen, was his mode of anuounelng It. You will mark the date?the 27th August la the day on which Mr. Wright died. (Great sensation in the crowd) But the publication was made before his death was known at Albany. The blow that was thus made at a living statesman fell npon his new gravo; the creature who sought to be an assassin, was, by an inscrutable dispensation of Providence, converted Into a jackal. (Sensation.) Mr. Wright did not survive to feel the effect of this disorganisation of the patty, and abandonment of principle; bnt, gentlemen, we do. The nomination < of Lewis Cass. In the preeise mods In which It was effected, by nullifying the voice of New York, and after compelling him to rsoant his opinions upon the subject or slavery is the natural consummation of the plot which I have described. To say that the democrats of New York are not bound by the action of the Baltimore meeting, in no more than to Uaert that they are not bound by the prooeedlnga of any other meeting equally disorderly and dUgraceful. in which they did not participate. It seemcd to be the deaign of thia Baltimore meeting to heap contumely and insult upon the demoorata of New York. The 3b men who were allowed to neutralire the rolce of the State, were generally men of little or no character. Take such men as Croeweli, Broderlck. Clark, Brandreth-, and if tho intention had been to degrade the State, their admission would hare effected it. Thoso ( larks are a remarkable family ; there are John C. Clark. Lott Clark and Oreille Clark. John C. was a delegate to the whig convention, and as I am told, led off In support of (Jen Taylor. He U. as horse dealers say. when they part with a bad horse to an innocent purchaser, a politician that we spared the whigs. (Laughter.) hot myself, I should be glad to see a party large enough to contain all three of these Clarke ; and I should be entirely contented if it contained nobody else. (Laughter ) But so long as there are three parties, I am lnolined to believe there will be a Clark in each of them. [More laughter] I am not prepared to say that Orvtlle Clark is inferior to the rest of the Albany delegation; take the entire batch (I say batch, because when it got to Baltimore, it kneaded like dough) it was a sorry lot, [more laughter], beginning with Croeweli and ending with Brandreth. If the democracy of Nsw York were by the judgment of their brethren in the other Stales to sink under the stiletto that pierced to the heart of Silas Wright, they might at least have been attended by ono of the regular faculty; it was adding unnecessary cruelty to wanton insnlt, to smotbur them with a body of which the head waa an assassin, and tho tall a quack. But I beg your pardon for spending any time to show that the action of this Baltimore meeting binds nobody but the meeting itself; they determined that New York should not be represented; they justify themselves by declaring that they cannot understand New York divisions; tfaut Now York must be let alone, and that they can get aloug without New York. We assent to all this. Having made no nomination, we are proceeding to make one: having no candidates in the field that renri>M-nt nllr Tirlnrliiles WM ?r,i nroceiulin? to nilt in?h candidate)* there. Our regular electoral ticket will be I nominated in September?our candidates on the 22d I inxt. The L'tica organisation was so far endorsed by I the Baltimore meeting, that the LTtiea delegates were admitted. The Albany electoral ticket is pledged to I Lewis Cass. It will receire the vote of every coaserva- I tire In tho State, and answers the excellent purpose Of 1 carrying out the views of the Baltimore meeting, and i ] the views of the democrats of New York at the same LJ time Anybody who wishes to vote for General Cass I is thus afforded nn opportunity; and at the same time, B neither the principles, the organlMllno. nor the ranks I of the democrats of this State, will he seriously ills- A turbed. After years of dissension, the conservatives have >(uit the democratic ranks, and set up for themselves. H The only injury that has threatened the domocracy H for the past eighteen mouths is thnir return, and this B evil is averted, 1 trust effectually, in the endorsement fl which tboy have received at Baltimore. Finding thus H every promise of harmony?the Baltimore meeting hav- fl ing agreed to let New York alone?we agreeing to be let H alone?having no longer any cause of quarrel among H ourselves - the democrats and conservatives having dietiuct organisations distinct tickets and diametrically |H opposite political prlnoipies, I took the liberty, in ^B common with 1,200 other democrats, of signing a call ^B for a meeting in tho i'ark. to hear tho report of the ^B Utica delegates to the Baltimore Convention. I had, ^B and could have uo cause of personal complaint, beyond ^B that of every democrat in New York. I had no favo- ^B rite candidate for tho Presidency?the State bad none. ^B I was not a delegate to the Baltimore Convention. I ^B did not attend the Baltimore meeting. Martin Van ^B Huron had. it is true, been a candidate in 1844 for the ^B nomination. Although not receiving it. he cordially ^B supported the nomination of Polk and Dalian. In an- ^B nouiicing his determination to do so. he declared that ^B his public life was forever closed, and to that declarn- ^B tion he has steadily adhered and now adheres. No ^B effort wan spared by him to secure the one cess of Mr. ^B P?lk. aad no complaint has been heard from him In ^B regard to Mr. Polk's administration. Under these ^B circumstances, learning that all the seventy-two dele- ^B gates from New York to the Baltimore Convention, ^B complained of the action of that body. I desired to ^B hear a report from the thirty-six whom the democrats ^B had sent, end in whose truth I confided an to what that action bad been. Thin being the only step taken by me, and this being my condition personally, yon may imagine my surprise when I find the editor of the Washington Union, st thinfstage of the proceeding, dedaring In his paper, we shall not be surprised by any act of violence or demagogueism which may be perpetrated by John Van Buren " This venerable harmo- . nist was brought to Washington, through the expulsion of Francis P. Blair, to take charge of the party organ, and (jcell discord In the democratic choir; and without stopping to consider hie general sncoess. it seems that In this particular Instance, as de from the Indecency of his conduct, be ban signally failed in the task required of him. New York was to be let alone; Its divisions were incomprehensible. Why. then, does Mr. ^^B Ritchie open the campaign by arsalllog its cltisens before they open their months? Did he know what might be expected from ercry honest men in New York or <? there any thing in my career which would anthoriie any man who respects truth to anticipate vlolenoe and domagr guetsm from met The transplanting Mr. Rlti-hle to Washington was the signal failure of tnls admlnle. tratlon; the expulsion of Mr. Blair Its grossest outrage and folly. Rip Van Winkle, who slept twenty years upon the Cattaklll mountain, and. when he awoke, found his gun decayed, his family scattered, and the government changed, was well posted in regard to recent ereots, compared with Thomas Kltehle now ; (laughter;) and yet there t's a srlesc'ty and elasticity of spirit about him in "deanced life.which is sofar pleasing as tobeperfectlyludlcrous For lnstanoe now,wheu under

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