23 Ekim 1861 Tarihli The Weekly Ottumwa Courier Gazetesi Sayfa 1

23 Ekim 1861 tarihli The Weekly Ottumwa Courier Gazetesi Sayfa 1
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^auei v W, jj .% |EW SERIES, VOL. 6 NO. •!«.) I, W. XOU a IS, Proprietor. $ /ft44-it n hi'» li PJULI3IIKD BVERY WEDNESDAY IK 4|»xjiwmOT3r's BLOOI (raiBD FLOOR) orrc v»r. 1, Fnurcopte*" *M»0 Ten 1M®. Twenty" 44,00. ftfrton* wl*hlngt««ub»crlbefor a1«Mt1m*th»ione f«krci»n do «o by remlUlngth* amount they w lab to In personal apporanee Mrs. Fremont can not be considered handsome, but has a mar ke 1 and i.npres-ive face. It i.s large, full, Miss I.illio Fromont, who, I believe, has seen about seventeen summers, id much .imalter and slighter in figure than her moth er. but resembles her somcwhafc'in features, (fe.ugh dei i ledly more feminine. She has iifcht complexion, gray eyes, and a very giecct and amiablo expression. The lower pirt of her face recedes rather too much to form a good profile otherwise I should call |mt good-looking. She is said to make up II intelligence, however, wh?.t she may lack fi this respect. The Camp is named after Ifcr. She and her mother hare quarters just Up on the hill alov«, and tho latter, who hti uno "r two occasions t-ince thcis arrival uwde lu appearance at the (ienorals t-.nt be fore he had yet waked to conscionsness of .(fee Secession raflealitiea of 4Mb tricked Whrld. Freuiont ha- a son also with him, 15 or 16 (tony. IIo struck mo as rather an unso-: illJmnne piiisticated and not very biight-looking jcct After a little Mrs. and Miss Fremont and t|jo General came out, and while the two for-1 H|cr sat down by tho sido cf the tent and tflfteret in whatever is said of her husband,) ted chattel with the officers. The scene ^ras calculated to relieve "grim-visaged war" ^fsome ot his sterner and more forbidding aspects Since Sfir the Central fefr tho.^st |inie $ Washington, some three months ago, his |,tilhf.il in appearanco as to surprise me, has tion Happening to bo introduced to him, I j^und him affable and unaffected in manner jtnd very frank and free in expressing him self. Ho assumes none of the lofty airs which some have attributed to him, nor is there anything princely in his stylo of living here. On the contrary, it is very plain and •imptc. It is the experience of those who Had an opportunity of judging, that he ex hibits none erf that prejudice towards corres pondents, whatever the political complexion ttf tlw papers they represent, that characteri. jm?s many of the newly-flodgcd as well as old 6iBccrs iq the service, and l«e has shown a willingnes to extend to them all the facilities in his power. It may not be amiss to add, as a matter of simple justicc, in regard to the statement of his palatial style of living and inaccessibility that the house he occupies in St. Louia is not so fine as several in Cincinnati, and that being owned by the heirs of a relation of Mrs. Fremont, and offered to him already furnished and at a vary low rent, ho took it io preference to*the Arsenal, :ts anybody else would have done under like circumstances. NI ,IS! "*ji»V •»"??"•. (C ft U V i tr w.IPELLO co.jovrA By J. W. A Ct. P. HOBBI8. E S I VA IIIABI-Y IN ADVANCE 0a« jopy per,v«»r VjSL® In no of® will w® •otcroiv Sferatif i!jl«s»ttt«y are*ccompanlcd wttfc money. fV©m the Jefferson City coi renpondence of the Cloctn cattl Osiette. Fremont, hi* Wilf, Dnnglf i. tcr and *oii. TV Oenerel's headquarters are pleasantly 'fleeted on the side of a hill about a mile -%»ck of town. He occupies a tent forming tho apex of a triangle, along which those of Us staff are arranged. 0 His wife and daughter were sitting in the WU with him, apparently intent on thebusi- gh the interference of the Government with ness in hand, whatever it may have been.— Mrs. Fremont, it should bo remembered, is a •Mvhole team,"to use a cant phrase, herself, Ad takes -is mnch interest in the affairs of his department as tha General does himself.— She is his private Secretary and confldin tial adviser, and I don't believo he evor iiakos a movement or puts forth an Important document without her knowledge *ftd consent. She is a woman of strong in dividuality and uncommon vigor of intellect, lirca of character, power of will, and in dependence of thought and action. She in herits all the original and striking traits iilvch characterized her father, Tom Ben 'fin. She has undoubtedly furnished a «od deal of the power which has enabled •Jfletniint t^ climb to his present elevation. Utitii hi^h clmk bones, and of mther mascu-1 purpose of this war is to prevent the United fine cist. Iler eyes are gray, I think, and States from falling into the disorganized ron ff'y intelligent and vivacious in expression, dition of the Spanish-American republics, Ijvsr hvr, if I mistake not, and ungallant as i were dissati- faction with the resu't of an it is in me to record it, is considerably ting- election is regularly followed by attempts to e i with gray. In form she is largo and overthrow the government. But if the re* 4|jbavy 1-trgt r, I should say, and heavier mote and incidental consequence of the war titan her husband, whotn, the reader is shall be the extermination of slavery, every &ublk-n aware is quite a small man. She pious and humane mind will recognize the •ltd her daughter wore both dressed in plain Mack. The Approaching Extinction©! Slavery. The New York World, a conservative and dispassionate journal, expresses a stronjr conviction that the rebellion of the slave holding States will result in the extinction of their own "peculiar institution'"—not throu- The article in which the World presents this view is replete with good sense and sound logic, and we re-produce it in fu!l. "Without giving any importance to the monomania of crazy abolitionists," it says, "it is eay to see that this war foretokens the downfall of slavery. If wo except the present oxperiment in Russia, there is hardly a country in Europe in which the abolition of slavery was brought about by direct gov ernmental interference. On this continent, it has b«»en thus abolished in Mexico and the South American republics but the chronic and Incurable anarchy which pre vails in those countriss teaches that the sud den emancipation of slaves is not necessarily followed by other political advantages. The hand of Providence in this result. The circumstances favorable to the carlv extinction cf slavery in (he Southern States are these: "1. The entire subversion of the political influence of slavery in our national elections. The general odium with which all pro-slav fry politics must be covered by this scoun relly rebellion will hereafter prevent any southern statesman from acquiring weight with the country unless his antecedents and public course clear him from suspicion of complicity in any attempt to mako the na tional government an engine either for the propagation or the protection of slavery. The present race of southern politicians is does not waste any superfluous time in sleep consigned to homeless infamy. Ambitious young men in that section who are conscious of abilities for public life will study to keep their reputations free fvom the taint that has ruined so many political prospects. The talent and ambition of the South, will be rescued from their past subserviency to the years of age, who sports his juvenile Kliaveholding oli^arehy, and aim to identify i w tfiiform and cavorts on his spirited black thlMnselves, Mnd ||rs. F. went to reading a newspaper, (she ocrtainlv prevent it from strengthening itself Mads the papers regulaily and takes a deep a|Wflvs l^ir and beard have grown rapidly gray, and jon ib#j jtg pojjcy fare, which was then fullrfresh and so ||ey do, he looks at least ten years older than I proposed to administer. til did then. The pressure of great respon Abilities, exhausting mental labor, and the jhfrra.uments arising from the machinations his enemies—of course I refer only to |^ose who arc actuated by personal or politi esl motives, and not those who honestly ob ject to h'.tn as not the man for the position *vel eft a deeper and more palablo impress l^ion his countenaco than I have ever ohscr frd in any public man within so brief a time before. 1 |^,cf°,merare Of course no more than all our that this war costs in treasure and blood, in V£/ 11U III III Cv vi U U11 V Major Gi nerals hare the swords wpre cho-: commercial derangement and the interruption jsen in preference to the musket and bayonet of industry, will be charged to the eccoun !—not in good taste, I should say, but still'of slavery. The universal opinion of th nothing more than a matter of taste after all i North will hereafter fully coincide with th« His alleged inaccessibility, I imagine, was public opinion of the civilized world and no mainly to persons seeking appointment, and in a few other instances w here the complaints were well founded, the fault was probably due subi-idinates, many of whom assume •t vast deal more consequence tl rn their su periors, and make it their special business t«. bluff persons seeking interviews, and throw all the obstacles possible in their way. Bu so far as I have observed Fremont and hi staff, there is more real democracy amon ihem in one day then can be found te the army at Washington in a week. slaves or slavery, but by the inevitable effect that the events now transpiring and about the suppression of the rebellion by the ordi to transpire will have upon the South and nary miliiaiy resources." her system of labor and society. enlightened views on the sub- 0f s|avt.ry hthvrt of tho TTpu )lic xhe bias thus com. muni(.at0fl will not to be Kur0i be Bg, nt in t,ie alo)Uiotl cf by anv'acts of fcderal troy the tlie General stro led along on the grassy slope dominated in our politics for the last twenty years. "2. The absolute certainty tHftt slavery will never be extended beyond tts present linrts. The Republican party, which has disclaimed any attention to interfere with*B|ftvery 5n the States, has been of opin 0f nou the ^tcoine thin, wtinkled, and haggard. Ifmy this judgment, slavery is already in process eyes do not deceive me, and I do not think Gf extension would le?d tolhe u|t5mate overthrow of the institu- R^uNi^ns were correct in extinction by the only antidote they ever "3. The destruction of the Southern mo. nopoly in the production of cotton. It is a well known historical fact that the public sentiment of the South was adverse to the continuance of slavery, and the Southern statesmen looked forward to some process of gradual emancipation, until the cotton culture began to assume prominence in con sequence of Whitney's invention of the cot ton gin. The pro-slavery fanaticism of the South has kept even p-ico w iih the prodigi ous development of this rurch of Southern industry. Had the agriculture of that sec tion been confined to the ordinary crops, laws for a gradual abolition of slavery would doubtless have been enacted in nearly all the Southern States. One of the most important results of this rebellion will be the overthrow of the cotton monopoly. The English man ufacturers have so deep an interest in the steady supply of this that measures will im mediately be taken, on a large scale, and supported by whatever outlay is necessary, to emancipate the world from its dependence on a source of supply whioh proves to be so precarious. The result w ill be that tho two material, will b^distrilmted among the tropi cal regions of the globe adapted to tho growth of the cotton plant. The downfall of slavery will be the inevitable consequence of the fall of tho cotton monopojy, which is its main prop. "4. The public opinion of the free sUtrs, to which the South has always bsen so sen- sitive, will be much m^re adverse to the sys -i \'v-" .• •it' zn*i A %v- hundred million dollars which the English i kind, and even played triofe* srith th# tsl manufacturers now pay annually for raw mted lad. ('.«•* institution has any chance of permanent with universal public opinion against it. "5. The constantly growing ue of machi nery and the application of scicncc to indus try co-optra'e wilh the moial sense of man kind in undermining property in human muscles. It costs less to feed machine^ than to feed men scientific processes for abridg ing labor, which rm the great industrial feature of«l is age, require more intelligence than slaves have any motive to acquire. The industrial system of the future, which is the boon of science to mankind, will be in con stant antagonism t) the present industrial system of ihe South. By diminishing the value of muscle and enhancing the value of mind, it will tend to uproot a system of labor which develops nothing but muscular stren gth and dexterity. "Wo conclude, therefore, that we may safely leave southern slavery to the fate that awaits it, and concentrate all our strength on These views are worthy of serious consid eration, especially of those who are clamor ous that the Government should hasten to proclaim the object of its war upon the rebels to be the emancipation of the slaves. Let the Government continue steadfastly in its one object of its own self-nreservation, and "manifest destiny" will take care of the rious—even more than set ious question of slavery in the future. Goethe and llfntlrlhonmir M. L. Rellstah, a Geiman writer of "con siderable reputation, has rec3ntly published in Germany two volumes of his autobiogra phy, replete with interesting gossip about distinguished men. Ho tells the following tale of the first meeting of the author of Faust and the composer of Elijah: In the evening we assembled in Goethe's room to tea, for he had invited a large party of his Weimar musical acquaintances to make them acquainted with the boy's extra ordinary talents. Presently Goethe made his appearance he came from his study. He had a habit—at least I generally no ticed it—of waiting till the guests were as sembled ere he showed himself. His "good evening" was ad Iressed to all, but he walk ed up to Zelter first and shook hands cor dially. Felix Mendelhossen looked np with sparkling eyes at the snow-white head of the poet. The latter, however, placed hi.* hands kindly on the boy's head and said, "now you shall play us something." Zdtor nodded his assent. The piano was opened and lights arranged on the desk. Mendelhossen asked Z«dtor, to whom ho displayed a thoroughly childish devotion and confidence, "'What shall I play?'' V-. s "Well, what you can," replied the latter in his peculiarly slurp voice: "whatever is not too difficult for you." A silence of surprise ensued when he raised his hands from the Keys after a loud finale. Zelter was the first to interrupt hU silence in his humorous way, by saying aloud, "Ha, you must have been dreaming of kobolds and dragoons why, that went over stick and stone!" At the same time there was a in national estimation, with the "«diffcrence n his tone, as if there «hich were held by Wash- ixc.tov, Jeffkrsox, Maoisox, and the other „n netive slavciy. lut it will ieg.-K!ation, and des propagandism that has Goethe's delight grew with the boy's ex ti^ordlnary powers. Among othet things, requested him to play n minuet. "Shall I play you the loveliest in the en tire world?" be a.«ked with sparkling eyea. Tie played the minuet frosn "Don Giovan ni." Goethe stood by the instrument listening, joy glistening on his features. He wished for the overture of the opera after the min uet but this the player roundly declined, with the assertion that it could not be play, ed as it was written, and nobody dared to raUke any alteration in it. JI° however, of. fered to play tho overture to "Figaro." He commenced it with a lightness of touch, such certainty and Hearness as I never heard again. At the same time he pave the or- Well. CW." he said, "yon bar" •inly played me pieo«s you kn »w, l»ot now w will see whether vou can plav *v».e«hinr you »1« n.or know. I will put ymon :rfnl Goethe went out, re^ntnd the rowt in a few moments, and had a roll of muxic in his hand. have fetched something from my manuacrtpt collection. Now we will try you. were nothing remarkable in the matter. !creasa betwofft now and next Without doubt, the teacher intended to prevent, in this way, the danger of a too brilliant triumph. The playing, however, as it could not well be otherwise, aroused the highest admiration of all present, and espe- years. cially Goethe, was full of warm delight. He Cobs DESTBOvFO -fh^ late flood injured encouraged the lad, in whose childish fea- a good deal of corn along the river. The tures j.iy, pride and confusion were at once farmers were taken by surprise, *rflood at depicted, by taking his head between his hands, patting him kindly, and saying jest ingly, "but you will not get off with that.— You must play more pieces before we reaog nize your merits." "But what shall I pley/* fslix asked, "Herr Professor?"—he was wont to address Zetter by this title—"what shall I play this orator, it is repotted, is to be connected with time?" Goethe was a great admirer of Bach's fu gues, which a musician of Berka, a little town about ten miles from Weimar, came to play to him repeatedly. Felix was there fore requested to play a fugue to the grand old master. Zelter scloctod it from the mu sic book and the boy played it without pre paration, but with poifect certainty. ehestral effects so magnificently that the ef-1 Kuugh, and sister usan has got a bailee feet was extraordinary and I can honestly and h« pes these few lines will find you the state that it afforded ma more gratification same, Kite Suite. Your aphectionate Kuz than ever an o.chestral performance did Goethe grew more and more cheerful nnd Do you think you can play thisf* "ithdeir but smell notes, Sf* OTTUMVVA, IOWA, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 23,1861. on the desk. It was Mozart's 1 and-wiiting. Whether Goethe told us sc, or it was writ ten on the paper. I forget, and only remem­ ber that Felix glowed with delight at the name, and an indescribable feeling came over us all, partly enthusiasm and joy, partly admiration and expectation. The j-our artist played with the most perfect certainty, not making the slightest mistake, thouph t*»e n anuscrint was far from easy reading. The task was certainly not difficult, espoelally for Mendelhossen. as it was only an adagio still there was a diffi culty in doing it as the lad did. for he played it as if he had been practising it for years. Goethe adhered to his good-humored tone, while all the rest applauded. "That's noth ing," he said "others coti'd have read that, too. But I will now give you something over which you will stick, so take care." With these words he produced another paper ruled and splashed with ink blots.— Felix Mendelhossen in his surprise, laughed loudly. "How is tfcil written! Who can read iif" he said. But suddenly he becatnc serious for while Goethe was saying, "Now guess who wrote it," Zelter, who had walked up to the piano and looked over the boy's shoulder, exclaim ed: "Why, Beethoven-vrotethat! Anyone could see it a mile off. He always writes with a broomstick, and passes his sleeve over the notes before they are dry. I have plenty of manuscripts they are easy to de cipher." At the mention of his name, as I remark ed, Mendelhossen had suddenly grown se- A shade of awe was visible on his features. Goethe re. parded him with searching e3*es, from which

delight beamed. The boy kept his eyes im movably fixed on the manuscript, and a look of glad surprise flew over his features as he traced a brilliant thought amid tho chaos of confused and blurred notes. But all this only lasted a few seconds, for Goethe wished to make a severe trial, and eive the performer no time for preparation "You see," he exclaimed, "I told you that that you would stick. Now try it show us what you can do." Felix began playing immediately. It was a simple melody if clearly written a trifling, I may say, no task, for even a moderate performer. But to follow it through the scrambling labyrinth required a quickness and certainty of eye such as fow are able t.i attain. I glanced with surprise at the leaf, and tried to hum the tune, but many of the no'es were perfectly illegible, or had to be sought at the most unexpected corners, as the boy often puinted out wilh a laugh. He p'ayed it through once in this way, generally correctly, but stopping at times and correcting several mistakes with a very quirk "No, so then he exclaimed, "Now I will play it to you." And this second time not a note was m'ssing. "This is Beetho ven, this passage," he said once, turning to me, as if he had come across something which sharply displayed the master's pecu liarstjrle. "That is true Beethoven cognized him in it at once." With this trial piece Goethe broke pfT. "I need scarcely add, that the young player played again, reaped the fullest praise, which Goethe veiled in mocking jests, that he had struck here and there, and had not been quite sure. There is a reported coldness between England and Sweden. It will probably in- spring. Dr. Cummings who predicts the end of all things earthly in 1867, has, notwithstan ding, leased a dwelling bouse tor thirty this season being unusual. When his cousin, Charlotte Dunne, was married, Jones said "It was Dunne before it was begun, Dune while it was doing, and not Dunne when it was done. Iciiiboo Codding.—This distinguished the Cavalry Regiment of Mr. Fransworth.— Rumor has it that he is an applicant for the Chaplaincy.—Elgin Gaectte. "It seems absurd to swear a bitter seed's sionist not to be guilty of Disloyalty. You might as well swear a mad dog not to bite." Lou. Jou. k foot soldier travels in one minute, -fn common time, 90 steps, 80 yards, 2J miles an hour quick time, 110 steps 86 yards, S miles an hour double-quick tiuae, friefk* 151 yards, 5 miles an hour. Tueiu Ac.es.—Gen. McClellan is not yet 36 Gen. Fremont is under 48 Gen. Ly on was about 44 Gon. Butler is 46 Gen. Banks is 44, and General McDowell is about 40. A young lady of extraordinary capacity addressed the following letter to her cous iDi Demr The weather whar we tt air kold, and I suppose whv yCMi hi K at* k older. Wc is all well, And mother's sot tho his Terrix, brother Tom has got the' Hopkin The%8o%iiig notice was found posted on the buMeiin of a W wtfrp t*oat office, up Nick Whiffles* way: "Lost—ar dkat. He had a whito s|ot on 1 of hi !er- H- was a *-ho kaf- I will »bre dolers to cvenlth-ti witt w9 brin| liiui hum." 1 A ROMAA A IIK L.C IILV Browiifton'* Quarterly on Re bellion and llmnnclpatiou. An i:ioqueat and ruannweraMt Ar« guniPiit. '•ut most able, logical and eloquent. Our 'itnited space forbids the insertion of the en Certainly we said in the article on "The Great Rebellion." in our last Review, the North has not taken up arms for the des truction of negro slavery, but for tho main tenance of the Federal Government, the en forcement of the laws and the preservation of the Union. This is true. The liberation of the slaves is not the purpose and end of the war in which wo arc now engaged. The waris a war against rebeilio.i, engaged in by the rebels for the purpose cf making this a great slavuholdin, republic, in which the labor of the cauntry shall be performed by slaves, either black or white an 1 if, to do feat the rebellion, the destruction of slavery be rendered necessary and be actually effect- r..it rc abolition they force us to adopt in defence tho Government. 11 1 Whatever is necessary to le done, car. ho done. Nature Is to wiae and beneficient lo yoke necessity with impossibility. Do thou but do thy best, and then thou marest defy the dert| to do his woryt, A word to workixc mes. Tnc WAS A SERIOrS 9ATTCB. It is no time to ntinoe our words or to The American people, especially ef the North, are a susceptible people, and can feel and respond to the force of genius as readily and as heartily as any other people on the fare of the globe. No people in the world are su-ceptjble of a deeper or more abiding «nthuslaam no people better appreciate the value of a good battle cry and it has been a mistake on the part of tho Administration, not to have bettei appreciated their real char- »^iiw*»iiiw««^ 'ire argument, but our readers will surely jbeen accustomed to sympathize with rebels, thank us for reproducing the following pas- We need not say, for the Diet is ws31 ciple, as that on which their very national known to our readers, that no man, accord- independence is based, the -acred right' ing to his ability and opportunity, has, since revolution because they generally take it April 1838, more strenuously opposed the for granted that all rebels and revolutionists abolition movement in the free States than are the party ofiibcrtv, warring againg des we have not became we loved slavery, or had any sympathy with that hateful insti- you rally them and render them invincible tution, but because we loved the Constitu-1against the foe? You must give them an tion of the Union, and because we believed other battle-cry than that'of "Law and Or that liberty at home and throughout the der," or you will not stir their heart, that] world was far more interested in preserving mighty American heart which conquered the Uni n of thjse States under the Federal this country frcm the savage and tho furest. Constitution, than in abolishing slavery as it proclaimed and won its independence, con existed in the southern section of our com- Instituted the Union, and made the American mon country. But we believe, and always have believed, that libei ty, the cause of free institutions, the hopes of philanthropists and Christians, th at home and abroad, are more intesestcd in preserving the Union and the integrity of the nation, than they are ur can be in maintaining negro slavery. If we have opposed abolition heretofore, because we would preserve the Union, we must, a fortiori, oppose slavery whenever, in our and where he has the the iibertr to be him judgment, its continuance becomes incom patible with the maintenance of the Union, or of our nation as a free Republican State. Wo referred some days since to an article j, in tho October number of /?ro»«*oi»'s Quar terly Review, the pr ncipal American organ of the U»man (. alholic (. hurch, entitled Sla- th0 people with them, and oomoiand victo- they will insist on no conditions ir c"mpati» very and the war." The article is lengthy, !fye ble with the preservation of the Union t&y I to use thi-m, but put them forth in that free, [bold, and energetic manner which will carrv We insist the more earnestly on this, be cause the mass of our people have so long Uq aj| nn,j Look at the question as we will, we feave i bellion, and that it lus toenn U aud arm the |1S no alternative but to subdue the rebels or be white population or Western Virginia or cf subjected by them. We must either depose Eastern Tennessee. It makes nothing V°uld' that Confederacy and enforce the authority against this that these of the Federal Government over all the reb- fore been sl«ve-J by the laws or the usages of ellious St.ites, or it will enforce its authority the States in which they resid,' for the Uws over the free States, and impose upon thein or usases are deprived of all force again.-t this system of slave labor. If it enforces its the Union by the very act of rebellion. Re authority over us, there will still, perhaps, i bellion dissolves all laws for tho protection be liberty for a class or caste, but our lahor of the life or property the rebels. By the ing classes will no longer be freemen- they very act of rebellion, the rebel forfeifs to the w ill be placed on a level with the negro slave Government against which ho rebels, both on a Southern plantation. For the Christ-! his proportv and his life, and holds hence ian commonwealth, founded by our fathers, forth neither, save at its mercy or discretion, toiled for and bled for, we shall have estab-' If it were not so, the the Government would lished a Pagan Republic more hostile to the have no right to confiscate the property of rights of man and tho rights of nations than rebels, or to attempt to suppress a rebellion was ever Pagan Greece or Pagan Rome. We by fo»ce of arms. If the slaves held in the put it to our Christian countrymen, if such rebellious States arc property, they are for is the commonwealth their fathers fought feited to the Government, aod the Govern and suffered through the long seven years' ment may confiscate them, as cotton, rice, war of the Revolution to establish, and if! tobacco, or any other species of pv erty they can be contented to jet the hopes of found in the hands of tlte rebels. The same liberty in the New World set in a night cf principle that gives to the Government the blackness and despair. study out honied phrases we must call: is perfectly clear, and is implied in the recent things by their right names, and treat all act of Congress on the subject. But if these who are not fbr us as against us. We have people held as slaves are oot property, they something more than even the Constitution and laws to maintain the very existence of the nation is at stake and as no means are scrupled to destroy it, we have the right to use all the means which the law of self-pres ervation renders necessary or expedient. We wish our readers and the public to under stand that we are in war, and to let it get through their heads that the war whioh the rebellion has forced upon us is no mimic war is no child's play, and is not to be conducted to a successful issue on the principle of treat ing the rebels as friends, giving thain every advnntage and doing thein no harm. They are in downright earnest, and are putting forth all their strength, and doing their best to.subjugate us and we also must be in downright earnest, put foith all our strength to subjugate them. W ar cannot he conduct ed on yteate principles, or »uce*s*fuUy con ducted by pcrtont who do not enter it ieith spirit, resolution and energy. encourage revolutionists abroad, sages. Mr. Brownson takes the position that and to visit with their severest denunciations if we value peace, honor, libei tv. prosperity, Uhe acts of the logitimate government to sup all we have or hope for, we tuu&t n.aintain press insurrection, to put down revolutionists the Lnion and he believes to put down re- jand vindicate its authority, that they cannot hellion, and biing back a pe ice-which shall be rallied with much enthusiasm under the Maryland, Kentucky or Misouri. ThtvciH* be lasting and honorable, as well as righteous, simple banner of Law and Order. Their we must not only put down the rebellion, first emotion is to sympathize with tebellion mnch bound, if the preservation of the Kc but also that which is sole cause of rebellion wherever it breaks out, even though against i public requires it, to give np thoir pr» per^ slavery. He then proceeds: their own Government. They hold as a prin- in s-laves, as we ft the farther North are potism, and for the rights of man. Would nation one of the great nations of the earth. It is not fur us, even if we were able, to give that battle-cry it must be given by jjfenius in authoiiiy, and fall either from the lips the President, or the Commander-in Cht of our armies. Neither as yet m*y be pre pared to utter it but if this nation has a fu ture, if its destiny i*, as we have hitfurto boasted, to prove what ma* may be when self, qttered by ona or the other it cro long will be, and in tones that wi 1 ring out through the whole Union, and through the whole civilized world now anxiously listening to hear it. The Union iiand mutt be sacred to liberty. Here man mu»t be twin, nothing more, and nothing let a. State* must not THE slave population. %reaifie our atmosphere and tee must fa j-uro ha come or not, it is for President, able to ajupl the proud boa it of our mother Commander-in-Chief of o» uics, to country. "The tlare that tovchen vursoil wi tenninc. But, in our judginer.t, no hingta free." This is the destiny of.„\h'S New I measure could be adopted by the govern* 0.'theslave population in tho rebellious' States. In these States there areover thr*e *d, will change nothing in tho character I ..» ,, men taken the forccs of th#* encniir *|. millions of tho population held by the laws! of the war. It mil have been necessitated and twice that numtxr added to our avtm* ... or usages of those States as slave- These! numotr atiueu to our owa* rebellion and the rebels will have only i** fop thev would not onlv coixii-el the r^belv. ia .u people are an integral portion of the United wouiu noi oniy coui| ti ine reotis i« themselves to thank for the destruction or v States, owe allegiance to the Federal Govern ment aml artJ cnti|ll.d to the proUvtirin of «f that Government. The Governmenth,s tl e, World, if destiny wo have,—*,^Mf*Jj|stiny meut that would more effectually aid its u&lt our fathers toiled for, fought i*r ,Vr, iiary operations, do more to wo: k n the r«fc» and to this we their children must sarsarto el forces, and to strengthen our ow n. ¥HSIf be faithful, or die to th? last man. million* of pepplo in the slave States, feci* 1 a,,jes lhcm and t0 e„rv(U and ann lhem a?ainst lhc ro people right to confiscate a halo of cotton owned by a rebel, gives it a right to conflscato every negro slave claimed by a rebel master. This are and .-hoi Id be regarded as citizens of the United States, owing allegianre to the Feder al Government, liabl» to be called into lhe service of the Union in the way and manner it deeius mot advisable, and, if loyal, enti tled to the same protection from the Govern ment as any other class of loyal cituons. Nobody can pretend that tho Fcderal Gov ernment is obliged, by virtue of the laws or usages heretofore exi?t ngiti the Slave States to treat these people as property. Whatever might have been its obligation before the re bellious acts of those -States, that obligation is no Ixiger in force. TUB BOBDBlt STATES AND rtlECDOM. But, ir it be required to treat them as free and loyal citizens bv tho military operation* for the preservation of the Union, or even to remove the causes or the present rebellion, tho Government is bound s« to treat them. The only doubt that can arise is as to the fact, whether it would or would not prove useful to this end. It may be objected to such a measure that it would deprive us of tho aid of Western Virginia and Eastern Tennessee, and drive into open hostility to the Union Maryland, Kentucky and Missou ri. This objection deserves great consider ation. But it is in substance the objection that has embarassed the Government from the outset, and oompelled it to take onlv half way measures to suppress the rebellion. acter. It has failed to givs them that battle For ourselves we cannot respect the fear to cry. It has been too could, 'oo prosaic, and which this obligation appeals. Fear is the has pronounced no spirit-stirring word. In-' worst possible counselor in the world, and stead of kindling up tho enthusiasm of the the Government that hesitates to adopt the! other and no po^iHe wisdom pruinc# people, it h»s looked to the peopk to qnlrkep I best policy for fesr of eUonattiifr Its fieqds)i|c|i the pan ef mj edmintovatien *n OLD 3EFUE8, VOL. 13, NO. IS fH«ns-»l,iO,lu Advamr. r. jLj^^-rzrzi n.ix its urn. Instead of in p'ring ihm, it has Jo t. Let the lines be at once sharply ilrairn waited for them to inspire it. This has been between cur friends and our enemies. In a a grave mistake. Men placed at the head of! crisis like the present, lukewarm friends, of affairs, are placed there to lend, not to follow friends who will be our friends only by fir to give an impulse to the people. If the Ad- tne of certain concessions to their interest i tninistratinn has life and energy, if it has or prejudice*, are more embarassitig thtn ability and genius, let it no longer hesitate open oucmies, and do more to weaken our icTcei than if arrayed in open hostilty ajpinst u. If these States arc forth'.-' Union will make sacrifices for the Lniun, ts well rj the other loyal States, and there is no nfe* son why they should not. There is ne.fhi.-r reason nor justice in Massachusetts, Nvfcr York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and ttio great Stites Noith west of Ohio, pouiin^ out their blood and treasure ft the gratifi cation of the s'avcholding preter tiorg 61 zens of these States who own slaves, are iiji' pour out our b! od and treasure to putt'.olVli a rebellion which threattns *l Ko them aivH us. If they love the'r fiwJa»*es more tb*j* they do the Uni n, let them go out cf t^fo Union. We are stronger to fight the 1 at|J«j of tho Union without tlitw, than w« sffe with them. evascipatiov, But we have refeircd enly to the Hlavcs i| the rebellious States, and, if it is, or if it W* comes a nilitaiy necessity tr liberate all slaves cf the Union, aud to treat the vhflte slavD pr pulatiun as fret men and citizen?, world be no in re than jiM nnd proper at the conclusion of the w ar, tho I -rd c5# zens of the loyal Pactions cf the rvVclr.-Mh States, should be indemnified at a rcssc'^tw rate for slaves that mry have boon HbcraV&l Tho States and tectiona hare not a number of slaves, and, if thu Union u jHjSt served, it would not be a heavy burden offHt to p.-iy their ransom and to paying ft feft patriot or loyal citiaen of the free Stiifffc shoulJ raise the slightest oljectjun. Tlri objection, tiitrcfre, urg d, thrash grams, need not be regarded »ts insupernlle, and *r® think tho advantage of tho u.(asire, in-jl m.litavy point of view, would be far greatlf than any disadvantage wc have totpprchend from it. W '.ether the time for this important mctish ing This brings us to the question !lhe that tlie t, suppression cf the rebellion and iu,nPh of tho Union a"d duz chtldrcn forever the tfatui of fn» ns' are u,ore than hundml Ulhin ,from n inc i»rcc vi me eniray, b-eDalariro forra tl**t inia-ht flik«rwi« W kCCp a wrga Iyrc® Uiat ,nlgtU °,,l5rwli,c employed, at home, to protect their own (*m~ but would dcPriTe t, em of a portion of that laboi by which they now subsist their armies. Now slavery, to thon* a sourcc of stron ^hi 1 w ,iem 1 ou'd souro° have hereto-! of in then be to I'-f abolitwa °Ur iud=,!ncnt-** «Tiking the cn* Tulner"h, oint where we can be?t sunder the sinews of streng h, and deal him th? most fatal blow/' Moresver, it would not only bring to the assistance of the F. dcral arms tho co-op*!** tion of the whole colored race in the Uiiont but would assure us what wc now lack, the sympathy and moral aid of the whole civil ized world, and remove all danger of com ing into contact with either France or E* land. The war would seem, then, likely to effect a result witlt which Englishmen and Frenchmen could sympathize, and instead of wishing fur the success cf the Southern Confederacy, they would wish with nil their hearts fur the success of the Federal arms. It would do more than this. It would bring to the aid of our volunteer furce fr 100,* 000 to 200,000 brave and stalwart volunteer%* from the free Statos—aye. and cvrn many from the slave States thems?vas—who not and cannot be induced to volunteer services in a war which, even if success* promises to leave e institution of slavery, not only existing, but more firmly et/ib'id||, ed than ever. Everybody knows t! at *!afe« ry is at the bottom of the whole controver sy, anl that the real ohjcct of the Southern leaders is not simply to protect the institn* tion of slavery against abolition n.ovrment where it exists, but to extend it over the whole Union, and make the Aincrioan Re» public a great alaveholding Republic. An| there are men in large numbers amongst us, men who have had no sympathy with Abo litionists, who see and understand very *teU that, even werei we successful in putting down the present rebellion, no real Union be tween the North and the South could bo res» tored, end that no durable peace between them could be re-established if slavery con tinued to exist. These men will net enter hoartily into the «ar, unltss they see clear ly and feel assured that it will ivsu't in the tinal and total oxtinction of slavery throu Sh out the Union and all the territory now possess or hereafter acquire, SLAVE LA90B \XD TftKS LAFO*. The present rebellion proves what thougjb** ful and far seeing uien in ill sections of the ITim n have long seen and said, that the preservation of tho Union with the stave system of labor extending over one-half of it, end the free labor system over the other half, is, in tho ordinary course of human events, an impossibility. Senator Sevvwti, or rather Mein llerr Deifenback in )ur B* eieu before him, was i ight in saying there U an "inepreasible conflict" bcteeen tho two syateuip. They cannot long eo exist together In peace and harmony there is au irrepressit le tendency in each to exclude tho •Mjl fr?-