Newspaper of New National Era, April 3, 1873, Page 2

Newspaper of New National Era dated April 3, 1873 Page 2
Text content (automatically generated)

NEW NATIONAL ERA. All conUcIttoM for paLlieauoa la lk? Htw IUnoirt.4 Kii must b? iddrMud to Uwii H. Douglaaa Baaiaaaa l?u#ra from aabarrlbar* ad udTartirara ahould ta ?14r?M?d to Fradanck Douglaaa, Jr., Lock Bo* 31. Tbta papar la aot raaponalbla far tka rtawa aspraaaad by OornMpondMta. ASF* Sabacrf bara changing tkair r<<?id*>Br*a, and daalring to hara tka Ktw National Era forwarded to th?m, ahotiM ha paiiienl?f in vritiof ua to atatu fully tha naw ad<im?, embracing tow a, conaty, and fctata, aa wall m tha town, county, and ftata from which tha change la to b* mad** Attention to tbia will oar a mi b troabla. LEW If n DOL'OLASA and J. SELLA MARTI!*. UMm. THURSDAY, APRIL lg7A NCBACRIBERN T4HK IIVTKEi We will present each persou, subscribing for the New National Era one year, a fine photograph of Touissaint L'Ouverture. Does Capital Punlibmcnl Pre* vent Crime t It is undoubtedly true that capital punishment for murder and various other offenses was introduced into our criminal code, under the conviction that the death penalty had the greatest terror for evil doers of all other modes of punishment, and would therefore more effectually prevent those crimes than any other. Hut every year's experience, every execution of a murderer, is proving the absolute fallacy of this belief, aud that it has not the slightest influence in preventing the crime of murder. It follows, therefore, that capital punishment fails to secure, or to increase, the security of society, whicli is the object for which it continues to be practiced, and the only argument on which it rests. If it bo true that capital punishment has not the slightest restraining inllucuce, why is tho barbarous and demoralizing punishment continued, and what single good end is gained by it? That, so far from preventing murder, capital punishment has had quite a ditfercnt result, all experience and observation seem to demonstrate. And the last four weeks have been especially rich in illustrations of this truth. There has not been an execution for weeks, even out of New York, that has not been immediately followed by a murder in the immediate neighborhood of the hanging. Friday a murderer was hung iu Alexandria, and that night a man was murdered in this city. Following close upon the heels of every execution iu this city In the past year there has been a murder. Last week a murderer was bung in Chicago, and the same evening one of the spectators cut the throat of his companion. Since Foster's execution murders iu New York seem to have increased, every day witnessing one at least, and oftener two. Those ol our readers who have taken enough interest in public executions to retain those for the last year or two in their memory, can bear testimony to the correctness of our assertion, that in nearly every case, a murder lias almost immediately followed, almost in sight of the gallows. But these demoralizing consequences ol the death penalty have not been limited to the past year or two, nor to our country 01 age. In other years and other countries, its results seem to have had quite as litte influence in preventing crime, and quite as much influence 111 brutalizing men already viciously disposed. Mr. T. H. Ilazzard, of Rhode Island, who has given this subject long and close attention, has furnished the Boston Commontcealth with some of the results of his observations, and we select from his statement some of the more striking facts in support of our opinion that capital punishment docs not prevent murder. The first is that of a man hung in Worcester, Massachusetts, for rape and murder in 1*45. Within five months four murders were committed within less than a day's journey of his execution. in me game year a murucrer iiumvu was hung in Philadelphia, and within seven weeks four murders were committed in the immediate vicinity of the gallows. One oi the jury that convicted Dr. Dodd, the distinguished English divine, for forgery, was executed on the same gallows for a like otfensc. Levi Kelly, who traveled froir Otsego to Albany to sec Strang hung foi murder, committed a murder two weeks after, and was also hung. On the very night one Itchier was hung in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, forty-three persons were committee to prison for various otl'enscs, two or three o which were for murder,and one was hung witl the same halter that strangled Lechler. Bui these illustrations will do, though we mighl extend them almost indelinitcly. We will now turn to the other side of the picture, and show from the same source whai has been the cflcct of the abolition of capita punishment. This was done in lthodc Islam in 1832, and murders have diminished in thai State, proportionately, since that time. Mr Ilazzard asserts that the expense and difh culty of conviction, in cases where the evidence is convincing, is done away witli Capital punishment was abolished in ltussii in 1741, and it is declared on high authority that under the operation of the law ltussi: was one of the countries in which the leas: number of murders was committed. (5eorg< M. Dallas, our former minister to Itussia ays that " none with whom he converse! ever dreame<l of going hack to the old sys tem. The laws," lie adds, " aro of the mild est character, and their effects are seen it the character of the ]>cot>lc. Barbarous a: they were before the mitigation of their )>ena code, its mildness lias wrought such a cliang* that they arc now among the mildest ant most peaceable people he has ever seen.' Edward Livingston says that only live niur dent have been committed in Tuscany foi twenty years after the abolition of the deatl penalty; while In Home, where it was it force, sixty murders had been committed it that city and neighborhood in three months Bir James Mackintosh abolished capital ]sin lshnu ut through the action of the courts it Bombay in 1*04. In his farewell address U the grand jury he says that " from May, 1707, to May, 1804, there were eighteen convic, lions for murder (in the population of twe hundred thousand) and thirteen capital oxc rations. From May, 1*04, to 1*11, there were six convictions for murder. The murders for the former period were therefore very nearly as three to one to those in the latter, la which no capital punishment was indicted." Similar result* were in degree exhibited in l'russia, Holland, Denmark, Michigan, Wisconsin, and other countries and States where capital punishment had been either in whole or part abolished. The conclusion at which those who have most aarefully-investigated this subject have arrived is, that it is the certainty of convictioo, not the severity of the penalty, which restrains crime. Entertaining these views ai to Um demoralizing influence of capital punishment, we art glad the President has commuted O'Brien's sentence to imprisonment for life? and we should have approved the exercise of the sumo clemency in the case ol the other murderer* who hare been executed g in this District in the last three or four years, t But still we are not disposed to question h.a ii failure to interfere in their behalf unasked, ? i*hc law is the object Of complaint?not those t who rigidly execute it. 1 - - - ? - - - ( The American Colonisation No- < elely. i The argument of the lenders in the more- ' ment for sending to Africa the four or five ' million colored people in the United State, ' has a smack of satire in it. The argument la ' that it is the duty of the people of the United ' States to contribute to the enlightenment of . Africa, by Riving bcr the benefit of it* knowledge of the art* and sciences that have made the United States so glorious. In order to 1 do this the Colonization Society proposes to , send the late slaves and the late nominally free people of color over to Africa, and through their knowledge of science and the arts illume the darkness of that heathen land. This is decidedly rich. The colored people i of this country aftefrserving an apprentice* ship of two hundred and fifty years in slavery under an oppression that made it criminal to : teach them to read or wTite, emerging from ' that oppression only to be brutally murdered, ; their school houses burned down, their teachers slaughtered because of their wise and ,laudable attempt to possess knowledge, arc 1 the people that tho wisdom of the Colonization Society deems the best fiualificd to advance the art* and sciences in benighted Africa. Is not this pretense of the Colonization Society sarcasm or irony? Uy those most friendly to tho Colonization movement it is claimed that we are unfit to enjoy civil rights in this country, unfit to sit on juries, unfit to occupy a seat iu a church of God, where white people worship, unfit to attend colleges where the arts and sciences arc taught, unfit to he legislators, in short, not fitted for the enjoyment of any rights that belong to citizens of the United States ; yet do these wise men of tho Colonization Society deem us the proper persons to represent the progress of the arts and sciences in this country at the court of the King of Dahomey. It is useless for the Colonization Society to attempt to disguise their real motive in regard to the colored people of this country. That society is impelled by an insane racehatred and an inordinate dislike of seeing the objects of their oppression rising out of the depths of the degradation into which they had been forced by a civilized, Christian nation; so, through the flimsy pretext of sending the colored people of the United States to enlighten the millions on millions of heathen in Africa, its members hope to witness the destruction of the American ne. gro, and that their oft-repeated assurance that the negro is so worthless that lie cannot , progress in a state of freedom may bo verified. . IIow absurd does this pretense of philanthropy on the part of the Colonization Soci| ety appear when we remember that the people of the most enlightened nations of Europe ?themselves intelligent and enterprising? p cannot, with all their intelligence, exert an , influence sufficiently strong to ameliorate the . sad condition of their people in their own . land, nnd that they eagerly seek the United .States as the spot where real progress is to , he made. If the educated German, Krench, man. Englishman, or Irishman despair of so ! , enlightening the ruling power of their cnI lightened lands as to place their people on the road to progress, how can it be expected that the graduates of enforced ignorance and , slavery can make such an impression on the heathen of Africa as will conduce to the advancement of both the teachers and the taught. in uus couuiry we are 011 me pain ui enlightenment and progress ; here we meet the oppressed of all nations struggling successfully for a moro extensive happiness than ( they could enjoy elsewhere; here is enough and to spare. On this continent the star of , empire takes its course. We shall stay here, J. it is our country, and we intend to enjoy it. The Pouter Execution Horror. ! Xo more glaring and forcible illustration of i the barbarity and cruelty of the death penr alty could have been found than lias been , furnished by the execution of Foster aud the i incidents that accompanied it. When the - wretched man, who evidently had been hop1 ing against hope for a commutation of the f sentence, saw himself disappointed in his cxi pectations, he determined to end his life by . his own hands, in order to escape the dist grace and the horrors of the gallows. lie is discovered in a hopeless, dying condition from : the ett'ect of the poison that some merciful t friend had furnished him, and it would seem 1 to require but a small degree of mercy aud 1 humanity to have allowed him at. least to die L quietly, since society had concluded that his . death was necessary for its own security. By no means! The gallows must not be cheated of its prey ; every effort is made to . prolong the wretched man's life, as if it were i most precious to the world, and he one of the i ' greatest oeueiactors 01 manainu. lie is i dosed, ducked, walked, tortured, and as it U t evident that his moments are counted, the 5 time fixed for his execution is changed, it is , hastened on, lest death might come to his 1 relief in anticipation of the executioner. Ilalf - senseless from the combined effects of the - poison and of horror of the gallows he is i dragged out to the scaffold, where, a? has i been asserted, he was actually dying while 1 the hangmcu completed their preparations, ! and thus the ends of justice were reached and 1 the majesty ,of the law is vindicated! ' now is it possible to deny the malignant and vindictive character of the death penalty r when confronted by such facts ? Even if it i were conceded, what, however, we aro far i from conceding, namely: that the security of i society demanded the death of the murderer, . why is he not dispatched in the easiest, most . painless manner; why is he rigidly prevented i from taking himself away through bis own > I hands, unless society?though hypocritically | , denying it?wants to gratify a desire to I avenge itself on him? In old times this de> sire was raised to the honor of a principle by the aid of the liible doctrine, "Eye for eye," etc., and those horrible modes of capital pun. ishiuent as breaking on the wheel, quarter ing, roasting on a slow tire, and the like, : , were the legitimate fruits of that dc- j . sire and that doctrine. A more hu- i . mane age disclaimed the principle of re-1 , venge and retribution; consequently, U1 i did away with those horrors, and only the ' I less painful modes of execution were retake J, j I which ore still in use. Even the guillotine, j 1 which afterwards was made the means of i. such terrible wholesale slaughter, was sub-1 ' \ stitutcd for the sword on account of Its quick- j i ness, its unerring precision for the object of, i lessening and shortening the agony of the j . victim. Yet, that which in those days seemed comparatively humane, appears barbarous and cruel in the eyes of a more civi- I lized generation. The anaesthetics have since been discovered, but there has not been j jm THE IT] aercy enough amonz legislators to ado| hem an the means of getting rid of the crin at v.hose death is simply deemed necei ary for the safety of the community. 1 >e sure, there would be less of sensatioi ess to excite a morbid curiosity, no occasic or a public show, as in Kentucky, where, ew days ago, a murderer was hanged, in ec nently Southern style, on the public sqoar utd the murdered man's wife witnessed tl xecution in a carriage; but the alleged o iec! would be as securely reached. Tl reteution of the old manner of inflicting tl Jeath penalty is ample evidence that the ol lindictive spirit that originally establish! it, is still alive and rampant; if, howeve Lha masses arc not yet up to the highe mari- 0f uie civilization and humanity of tl century, it is for the legislators to help lift them to a higher level by abolishing ca ital punishment altogether, instead of fosU lug their brutal disposition and catering their morbid taste as has been done up this day. Cnn the Proud Anglo-Saxon H CniUvedt The proud boast of superiority of ra made of themselves by the Anglo-Saxon ra is constantly dinned into the cars of the a vocatcs of the enfranchisement of the ncgi The Anglo-Saxon has proven his capacity govern and to do everything that would im eate the jKMssession of grand qualities, s these boasters, and what has the negro don lie makes an excellent and obedient slat docs net care for freedom, will not strive I it; the Anglo-Saxon cannot be a slave, would overturn, destroy, kill,and do all soi of terrible deeds, and wind up with dying 1 fore he would submit to the slavery of hi self or of his family. Most of the Amcric branch of the Anglo-Saxon family firmly 1 lievc their boast as to the impossibility enslaving the Anglo-Saxon race to be tri and th'-y look down upon the negro w: contempt because of his having been a slat never thinking that under the same circu stances they would as tamely submit to < press ion as the negro, and sink as low intelligence as the late slaves whose igi ranco was enforced by law. Let these boa crs contemplate the terrible condition of ( Ang!"-Saxon farm laborers in England day. In no respect is their condition diff ent from the late slave of the South sa that they cannot be bought and sold at ai tion. This Anglo-Saxon farm laborer c no more read and write than could the slai on Southern plantations; ho has no vo wb-t?.cr in the Government, and is who subject to the will of his employer who m give what he pleases for his work, wliicli never sufficient to provide a decent meal the laborer and his family. A writer in 11 pr-r's. jiayazme ior April says 01 ine r,ngi larm laborers: "The rural laborers living on great esta arc unable to get any education, can rar read or write, and are fast chained to th heavy task by the wolf that stands ready spring on any who attempt to leave it for instant." One of the farm laborers, speaking himself says: " We will be white slaves longer; and if as I have heard, our o colonies are to be shut against us, the IT ted States will he open." As the slavet the South longed for Canada, so do i Anglo-Saxon slaves of England turn to 1 United States as a place of refuge from oppression that they cannot overthrow. 1 believe that the present condition of 1 English farm laborer is an affirmative ansv to the question at the head of this artic IIow idle would it he to argue that becai Anglo-Saxons can be enslaved, and arc ii condition of slavery to-day that they cannot elevated, that they are unfit for decent tre ment in public places! Who dare ass that as talented a statesman as Gladstc could not have been developed among i farm labor class had they been used as f white men in the United States are treat and all the facilities of a common sch alVordcd them ? Can it lie urged that fact of the farm laborer being to-day a si: in England is evidence that such is his e mnl condition ? It is not his normal c dition, no man was ever made to be a sla and it is witli pleasure we hail the cvidei of a sturdy effort on the part of the Engl rann laborer to throw oil' the chains wh bind him in a degradation as profound that of the late slaves of the United Stal I'ostuiaMterntilpnt Mncou.Georg Kdwin Belcher, Ksq., a colored gcutlcc and a Union soldier, lias been nominated the President and confirmed by the Sen for the position of postmaster at Mac Georgia. In nominating Mr. llelcber think the President acted wisely. 1 Belcher has served successfully as Uui States Internal Revenue Assessor during past four years, is an educated geutlcmau: a graduate in law from Howard Univers and is one of the men our race can poin with pride for his honesty, intelligence, ] severance, and industry. Now that Belcher has been confirmed we underst that ell'orts are being mado to indnce President to withhold his commission. T1 ell'orts m e said to be instigated by Seni Gordon, an ex-rebel General. To us it sei impossible that the President will allow rebel General Gordon to influence hitn i matter where it is quite evident that rebel Senator is moved only by an ins; I race prejudice. It has been said, v | what show of truth we know not, that !): ? Motif ltoj <? cr.lrliorlr fnoliniT fr?r f-r\r<1 11 may be ho ; w>- feel safe in asserting tha also has a soldierly feeling for the brave i who fought on the side of the Union. Belcher went into the service of the Un: States us a soldier under the call for 75, nrca at the commencement of the late v and at the age of nineteen ho became capl of his company. Mr. Belcher is very fail complexion and readily passes for a wl num. Taking advantage of this he sei the first opportunity to assist his coun We do not believe tfiat the rebel General have any weight with the President in tc.gonir.ing a man who has fought for Union. If Gordon should succeed in his tempt to keep Mr. Belcher out of the pi office there will be much rejoicing among Vi.-Vln* <if tteoriHs. Should thev he t gratified ? ___________ A mkmuku of the Arkansas I-egislat gave some very vulgar exhibitions of brt ing the otlier day, as many of his colleag bad done before. ISut he chanced to b colored man in this case. And straigbti the affair was telegraphed all over the co try by the rebel agent of the Aasocia Press, in ail its profane details. A wt man might have committed any imagine outrage without exciting the censure of t press agent. Possibly, though, it was cause such |<erformoaces by a colored li maker arc so rare that bo gave it so m' consequence. E~W NATION-a >t Beaeflu or Prttcellta ? Bwe y ladmtry. . There it, no single public question of any a thing like the importance of a protective ^ tariff, about which there is so little known among Uie great mass of the people, nor ^ about which there has been such ingenuous and dishonest efforts to mislead them. But e> L- , _ . , .. . . .1 - U.? i* iuuuui oc ucDieu inai a " steadily gotns on in the public mind since the rebellion, especially at the South. The je dethronement of "King Cotton," the overj throw of slavery, and the general prostration of business by the war, have forced upon the r Southern people an examination of the jwlicy of a protective tariff, and its influence in ^ building up new branches of industry. The necessity of devising some means for developing the great resources of the South, and ir_ restoring its prosperity, naturally directed ^ the thoughts of capitalists to the construetion of manufactories. Every manufacturing establishment has had the effect to raise up scores of converts to the doctrine of proteo |e tion, and led to a more careful study of the subject. Honest examination, and the personal ince tercst of the people, have already wrought ce wonders in the right direction. An cntcrprising Tennessee business man, for instance, ?- writes to a friend, tliat the jicoplc of the .South are becoming more and more intcrcstcd in the discussion of t'nc question, and a3" the practical results of protection to our Auierc " ican industry; and lie states that where there , c> was one advocate of a protective tariff among '"or his acquaintances half a dozen years ago 'ie there arc now at least fifty. This is true, rts undoubtedly, of many other portions of the )e" (south as well as of the country generally. m" Hut still there is a vast deal of ignorance or an misapprehension in regard to it. The teach,e" ingsof Calhoun audliis "revenue reform" disciples have so thoroughly poisoned the j-co1C' pie's minds with the absurdly false and mischicvous notion that a protective tariff is an ,ci absolute tax not only on every one who conm* sumes an article paying such import duty, but 'P* on every similar article of home production in throughout the whole country, that a large 10" portion of the people are still tiie blind and 8'" obstinate believers in the beauties and bene'1C fits of free trade. No means,Therefore, should lie spared by ?r* patriotic citizens to disabuse their minds ol lvc the dangerous heresy, by spreading broadac" cast among tlicm information in regard to ;an the true principles and practical operations ,cs of the policy of protection. We have atice tempted, to the best of our ability, to aid in "y this important work. Hut it needs line upon lav K.,? n liltln nnrl 118 there a little, to lead them to that thorough f?r understanding of the subject which its direct ar' and important hearing upon their most vital 's'' interests so strongly demands. We, therefore, renew the subject to-day, and present tcs again, in a condensed form, some of the leadel.y ing arguments in favor of a protective tariff, t0 These reasons are especially applicable ti an our Southern readers. They arc briefly? First. Because a protective tariff slimufor latcs into life, and encourages the growth of no our own industry, preserves it against the wn ruinous consequences of foreigu competition ni- and increases the reward of labor, while al > of the same time it is one of the chief ani the easiest means of providing revenue for the Lhe expenses of the Government, an Second. Because, beside calling into exist SVe ence new branches of industry, it enlarges Lhe and diversifies the sphere of home industry vcr and secures a steady and good market for the :1c. labor of the country. use Third. Because, by making a steady dc n a mand for labor at increased wages, and thui be by adding to the comfort of the workingman at- it provides him with the means and the in crt ducements for intellectual improvement, am >no renders the value of property more uuifoni the in price and more readily converted int< rcc money. ed, Fourth. Because, next to the laboring ool man, a protective tariff is of the most vita Lhe importance to the farmers of the country a: *vc the surest and only sure means of building u|

ior- a home market for their agricultural products oo- with a steady demand and remuneratinj VP 1... l-n?.....I ?r -> iuu.ua, aim ujr av^/ai, v.. uu, v,... lce markets foreign products which rival am lish often supplant them. iich Fifth. Because the effect of protection i I as to bring tho producer and consumer mucl 'cs- nearer to each other, to render their inter csts mutual, to lessen greatly to the produce 'a* as well as to the consumer the expense c san transportation, and thus make th^profits c Py the farmer greater and the expense of th aje consumer less, and to guard both agaiust th on ruinous charges of the transporter. WJ Sixth. Because it has so wonderful a tend cncy to develop the resources of the couutr tcj and to bring into operation all its industria ti,c energies without really lessening or embai and massing the commerce of the country. ;tVi Seventh. Because, by largely iucreasin t j0 manufactured products, it really cheapen ier_ prices in the end, and is therefore a positiv jjr benefit to the consumer, as the experience c and a protective tariff has always shown, the Eighth. Because, without the duties realize lese from foreign imports, the amount would hav ttor to raised h'j a direct tax in gold upon th ems people. the Sinth. Because, while free trade woul n a compel the Government to levy the tw U,jg hundred millions of dollars we now collect L ane 8?^ from foreign imports, on tho who! rith property of the people, it would destro the their ability to pay it by breaking down ou |on_ whole system of manufactures, throwing tw the millions of laborers out of employment, an nen almost literally beggaring the country. Mr, Tenth. Because we believe the countr itcd owes its first and i>aramount duty to its ow; ?nn.4 in instu.p nn.l himni rar '? protect tlicm against ruinou- foreign com lain petition, as really as against foreign invasion jn There are many other reasons we niigh bite Present in favor of the wise, patriotic, an just policy of protection to American indus try. try. But the above arc suflicieut for thi ran lesson. We commend them to the earacs an. and careful consideration of the worhingmei the and the farmers of the country. To then at- more than to any other classes of our eitl cat- zens they are of vital importance. Pre the trade would be more fatal to them thai hus "war, pestilence, and famine" combined And to our Southern farmers and laborers more than any other, they should commeni ure themselves, ledDaagrrous Pawer af ttallroai Msaapollrs. e a ray The [>olicy which some of the great rail un- road corporations of die counuy have beei led so steadily and successfully pursuing fur th lite last few years of buying up, leasing, or form ble ing combinations with all rival or connectim his lines, has already concentrated in these coin be-. panics a power which renders them, to i iw- j very large extent, independent of the peopl uch and almost literally dictators of the laws c j Congress as well as of State Legislatures ll eba. Th> immense power is beginning to be need in the mo?t arbitrary manner, and to the j I great wrong and injury of the people. Their ( rights are absolutely disregarded, and trie companies are influenced solely by their own i interests. The farmers of the West have ; been made to feel their selfish aud grinding policy with ruinous effects. Against them the oppression is exercised with relentless . severity. By the exorbitant freight charges i on wheat and corn, these products, in many ( parts of the West, are rendered utterly worth! less, except for fuel, for which corn is largely used. The charge on them is from fifty to , seventy per cent, of their value in market. As an instance, corn, which sold for 73cents j . in Boston, only netted the Illinois farmer 23 : cents?the railroad company pocketing the ! fifty cents. | Even this extortion, however, is not the only ground of complaint against the monop-1 olists. The manner in which the tax is imposed makes it still harder to bear. Freights, it is alleged, vary from month to month, and one-half the year they arc from one-third to double what they are the other half the year, so that corn, which can be sent from Chicago tn Vrw V.irt fur eivtrrn rents in .liine. Lr water, and which (lie railways will carry for twenty-five cents in August, the same railways charge thirty-six cents for carrying in i January, when navigation is dosed; and this is believed to be in one case twice, and iu . the other three times, what would fairly compensate the roads for carriage. The ability thus to extort with impunity from the hard earnings of farmers, and to perpetuate these glaring outrages, is the result, its we have stated, of the combinations they have formed among themselves. It enables them to break down all coujpeti- j tion, to monopolize the whole carrying trade of the country for at least one-half the year, j and dictate tlicirowu prices. And this cuormons power is exercised under the form of law. Every privilege they have ever demanded lias been granted them, and very few safe-guards erected agaiust their abuse. They, therefore, don't hesitate to use the liberal franchise so freely granted them for the oppression and robbery of those front whom they were received. Titcsc powerful continuations, however, arc not satisfied with oppressing the ]>eo, plu, and waning upon their rights and interests. In the pride of their strength, they scent disposed to exercise it against the ' General Government, and force it to submit ' to their selfish and exacting demands. Their recent threat to withdraw from it the privilege of continuing the postal or mail car fa I cilitics on their lines unless at an enormously increased rate, is a still more striking instance ' of their grasping disposition, of their ovcr| grown and dangerous power, and of their offensive insolence. It shows that it won't do for the Government to depend upon these companies to extend any facilities cither to it or to the people, unless upon the most ruinous terms, and that it is quite time to hegin to curb this monstrous monopoly. The people, through their Legislatures, must take hold of the matter before it becomes too strong ' for them. It must in some way be controlled ' for the public good, rather than for its op1 pression. The remedy is in the hands ot the " State Legislatures and of Congress. The Senate of the United States, at its ic: cent extra session, we are gratified to state, took a step which shows that Congress is beginning to comprehend the nocessity of some 1 restrictive action. It appointed a committee ' to investigate this whole subject of railroads, ' railroad combinations, and railroad policy, with power to sit during the whole summer, and visit all pnrts of the country, examine ' witnesses, and do whatever else may he ' deemed necessary, the result of these labors J to ho submitted at the next regular session of Congress. The rei>ort of the committee, and 1 fts result upon Congress ami the country, will ' be looked for with great interest. We think it ought, and we hope it will, form the basis ' of such action as will check the growing, and ' diminish the already dangerous, power of ' these insolent monopolies, i* llcsidcs this significant and important step, the farmers of Illinois and other Weat* em States have resolved to remedy the evil 1 nndcr which they are groaning, if in their ^ power. They have entered into combinations in self-defense, to resist the extortions 9 of railroad monopolies. And thus is a pow1 crful reaction against them springing up all " over the country, and this spirit of resistance r to tyranny will increase until railroads arc made to know that, strong as they have bccome, the people arc still stronger. If wise c they will abandon their ruinous policy. If e they do not do it voluntarily they will, sooner or later, he compelled by force to do it. y The New York Tribune has despatched d one of its corps to the South for the seeming - purpose of writing the negro down. His upward and onward tcndeucy excites the jcalg ousy of the erudite editor of the journal s founded by Horace Greeley, who fears that e the white race, himself included, with its if two hundred and fifty years advantage over the negro will be outstripped by the cxd slaves. To prevent this, a correspondent is e engaged to write disparaging letters from the e South in a style calculated to lire the negrohating heart to deeds of violence against the d black race. What good the New York Trio buue expects to work by its thrust* at the a struggling colored people we cannot imagine. c I Its course iu this resect is no doubt dictated y j by the desire to keep in the good graces of x the malignant partisans who liave always 0 been in antagonism to the party of progress d | in this country. Its aspiration is to rival j the New York World, and it is fast sinking y ! to a lower level than lias yet been reached u | by tliat Democratic sheet. The three Democratic members of cougrcss from New Hampshire valiantly refused '* to vote for the increase salary-bill, being 'J | strengthened in their virtuous resolution bv ! the consideration that an election was about k > to be held in that State, and that they were * j candidates for re-election. Having (ailed in I their efforts to defeat the measure, tlicy reD | turned to their constituents so indignant at n j the outrage that they refused to touch the extra compensation. That purpose held out c without wavering until after the election. a But when two of them discovered that the '* , people hail refused to trust thcui another < | term, it gave way, and the proper vouchers ' for the extra live thousand dollars each were sent to Washington, and the money obtained. 1 Gen. Shkbidax has placed Lieut. Grant, the l*n?Mlent'? too, on hi* nufl. The act j baa aroused tbe alarm of the whole " indc3 pendent" preen of the country, mud they are e all howling in concert at the dangeroua ;>re* i cedent. Their outcry and abuae of tbe Preng | dent for alleged nepotiam, during the late - canvass, had such a damaging effect upon a | hie prospects, and eo nearly defeated hit eloe? lion, that we are not anrpriaed they are enf eouraged to renew the warfare. We wish 1.1 them much joy of all they make by it. Gm4 Advice. We take the following excellent article from our new conteni|*>rary?the Stir Cili- lit ;a-and commend it to our readers all over ti' the country. The great drawback to the o. advancement of our race it to be found iu ,-t: no .mull dr rp<? in a lark of union anions IJi ourselves. Could this be remedied speedily fit our jirogress which has l>een unprecedented (>1 since our emancipation would be far more w( surprising and encouraging than has been our ce upward tendency during the past eight V years: The path of the AVir Ciliitn to the Anicri- !" can's goal or haven of prosperity is rugged and difficult. It is much like the westward journey of the early emigrants, through unbroken forests, over hills and mountains, the '' summits of which they reached only hy as- '-'r sisling a single one of their number to -eale 1,1 some steep rock, in order that he, in turn, extending a helping hand, might lift the en- j'. tire company to his level. As a result, the ! fertile plains beyond the mountain were soon V presented to full view. The obstacle would ' uever have been cleared had each hesitated | * first to elevate the other. The city of Washington presents a line field 1U for the application of this thought. We de- j"' sire, at this time, to use it in conucetion with ,'f a single profession, namely: that of nieili-1 ' cine. We have in this city, not to mention , j\r many others, two able, skillful, and experi- ,[' eneej colored physicians, gentlemen of ex- f cellcnt character and recognized standing ; . J* who, among thirty or forty thousand colored j' citizens, do not secure sutticicnt patronage i > . keep them busy. This fact is a sad eommeii- 1 (ary upon the devotion of the colored man to his own elevation. There is no good ri a-mn il" why these doctors should not count their '. parous by the hundreds. They have sp lit years of hard and unrc nuked toil in pre pat ing themselves for professional usefulness, and in . contributing in this way toward the icpnta- ' tiou of the race. They need the incentive which ee.ines from the generous aid of synipathetic countrymen. They should he handsomely -upported in practice, and thus given every opportunity and every facility to take re l iuk among-the valuable men of the medical jp profession. From such success no harm could come to tlio colored American. We owe it to ourselves to begin at once the accomplish- <*ii incut of such a result. Wo need the training In which conies from disinterested and uiisellisli js labor in the elevation of our countrymen, whether or not they happen to be our persoual friends. We make this appeal especially to our leaders, who know so well to c> what extent the future success and standing ,|i of our people depend upon united and vig- . orous etforts ; who know so well that their '1 failure to secure deserved power and place in the natiou comes from weakness and division, in disposition on the part of each to hinder (at le least contribute uothing to) the progress oi l the other unless both rise together. We ap- ' peal to them to take the initiative both in doctrine and example, liegin the good work ^ by patronizing our doctors. In individual to elevation is involved the elevation of the ul race- tl, The lJalliinorc Aiiuriran records what it ''' very properly calls " legalized meanness." | It states that a clerk in one of the depart-I mcnts here, but who resided in Haltimore, ! had, by industry and economy, accumulated ! quite a sum of money, which he loaned to a ! relation, and which that relation lost in some I foolish speculation. The loss so disturbed | the clerk that ho ultimately became insane and was sent to an asylum. The sympathies I of the authorities were so enlisted by the I" wife's misfortunes that they gave the clerk- " ship to her, anil she, for a time, tilled the place as his representative, and was allowed ! a< to draw his salary of $1,800 a year. Subsc-! 'c quently, in accordance with law, the wife j10 was regularly appointed to the clerkship that 1 she had most satisfactorily and faithfully tilled i u as her husband's representative, but instead "J of now getting the salary of $l,S0n, she, for the same work, in the same position, because she is a woman, gets only ?900 a year. This '' seems a ease of hardship and legnlized in- ' justice, for which the law, and not the authorities, must be blamed. " ?i Some of our readers may possibly recollect the terrible howl raised by the independent and Copperhead papers over alleged Ucpub- "j lican frauds at the Gubernatorial election in c| Pennsylvania last fall. They turn out to be si as well founded as their charges against General Grant and his administration. Kvery case of fraud which has been tried shows w that they were perpetrated by the Copper- ?l beads and Liberals. In I.uzcni county the K ccrtiticate of election was given to the Cop- l' pcrhcad candidates for county olliccrs ami t| mcmbcis of the Legislature. The claims ftf u the former were sometime ago tried by the q courts, and the Copperheads were declared to have been elected by fraud, and their places given to their Ucpublican eompcti- tl tors. The other cases came before the h Legislature, and that body lias just unseated j *' the Democratic members and givon their' *r( scats to Ilepublicans. This is a fair speci- j c; men of the truth of Copperhead and Liberal, h charges against Ilepublicans. I j < I Indignant Colored Itepiilillrans. , ? The colored gentlemen who a few days j [| ago met in New Orleans to express their in- 1 w ; dignation at the coolness exhibited toward j *' their race by the (rarty in power cannot be 1' blamed for their feelings. There is a dispo- ' r siuon on me pari 01 Kepuontan .-senators \ d and oilier otlicials l<> <|uii:tly ignore llie j P negro, encouraged by the gentleman vslioi1 wan recently elected President pro U-wpoir of' [( ; the .Senate, and the warning to llie parly given by the colored gentlemen in New Or- o ; leans may be profiled by, if liie parly really j * desires to retain itscolored allies. numbei of geiitlemeu ol tlii eity c , spent a pleasant evening and enjoyed a fine j J' ; repast at tbe Club House of John A. Cray, i on Tuesday evening of last week. A uum-! , ber of the enterprising young colored men i a ; of Baltimore were llie guests in llie appro- j ^ elation of whose enterprise and industry ihc , ' . gentlemen had assembled. Mr. \V. K. j ' Mathews, graduate of law at Howard L'ni- j ( i versity, presided. Toasts were read and re- J sponded to by llie diliercul gentlemen pros- ; rut, the want of -jiacc precludes their pub- i lication. Tbe guests were Dr. Winsey, las. u T. Bradford, merehaut; liurwell Bank*, mcr- , chant; Cassius Mason, manufacturer; all j: of the city of Baltimore. 1 Tnu New York Central Railroad Company < [ has ing persistently refused to iwv the Cov-1 r croment the three or four hundred thousand | dollars due for taxes, the Collector of Inter* ,' nai Revenue seized and sold several engine* ' ] the other day, but as they only sold for I 11,001) a piece there U still a large balance i due, and other personal pio|?rty will be sold.!1 When that la all exhausted, if iusullkient,!' the real estate of the coiu|?iiy will be sold, i j 'l'hc company w ill, therefore, pay rather dear i for it* obstinacy in the end, as there will be < quite a bill of cost added to the original debt, j J W Under the caption of Church Estab- c liahment, in our last issue, occurred an un- 3 fortunate typographical error. Instead of j an occasional podv al contributor to these c columns, thet\|?s made the ltcv. Wm. H. a i Josci>hus a political contributor. , I Peter II. ( lurk. We m<- l.y the < in ;ni ./.' . publican- < f th.it city hi. kct of ?.4U*l;<2?tr< f?r in ,i>! nvcntion to nrv.tn l or rev i' *tutioii, the ah' J : : , i! . , 1 lgh S hool, Mr. I'wtir li. < . . \ tiujj rc|*eMinUtivc of ti. ! y s tjivc the speech of M . * a pling the nomination: i. I'rcsilnd and fh.it It is customary, I 1k\. . f _ :.:i . y position, wheu tliev h.iv. r- I : ution at the hands of a iaoi,:.. n, " at their hearts are loo i.jli , _ r ?rds to cxprc-s. I .an - . n > w . iy ton-.nie would he able t atitudc 1 foci for the Jo n : \ nfeiTcd npon me. IIy tlii- I : iderstood, thoiy'i, thai I : intent to myself p. r- -a...... t' at niiitht t>e ; but I con?triher sense in that you h,i\o j. acet a representative < : the of llich 1 belong. [('hi , r -.; I : any discrimination in 'a\ >r the bestowal of otli,--, I. I ler the past history of the r t ? I louilr'ts two hutidrc 1 year- i being denied the rights nrratlons, and it? to, an-' i rallment until so vi r\ iat. ly, i \ i at 1 recognize the i mpl : lit, i: I >u from the very b itt.-a. f my i ' 1leei.?.) lost i .-nr. d. . ini elected to tin- v.! ' . is day put me in misa ii : ii - , avers will l? devoted to i'l ecpial lights to a'.' -Ii- t, t : 1 el.llicc of the very -out:., i ll, it 1 i iy led y on to plan- my nam- on bet. gain, gentlemen, I thank \ n t t'. -I. Mr. t lark's speccli ? a . i - m i \\ . i 1 eon. and bcl'-ae In- f.vl I rl\ t . - . ! zcti or more were stand to; a I J. e state to t ongratulatc him. I i is staled, hut we ilim*t \ > It !" ctni'ss, that notwithstanding the tej . c franking privilege, the ap| : e l'ost (Mticc Departnn ,t I tin t. \i I year exceeds that of the prevents \ r This, if the stall iiu-lit oe t'.a what the country trains In that at ' rni"~ a reform which cut the ] am all the public do, m: , nt- pr.nti',1 at ;l, ,1?-iisc of the ttovcmmeni. \\ . I.,i\ r . >ubl, at any rate, that tin- .-sp. n-> a' th< partincnt will be juit?- a- la: n.>w re the repeal, for no man who had I to Urn matter believe! the fr.u-ha ! ' cost it anvtliino. Tiik New York Ti 'am - I, N ork bay H-ntk of the | i-t in its mi: oiiti wards the negro. In its issue .a the-ji! timo, it says, in spe.ikinu f tin nab a: L'nited Mates, that, am a. z tin few thai lat stand to its credit is the fa. t time a .1 it admit l'inehhaek. The scorning tho echo of Lurret I) u Sano Connoiti:.?The inllmaire ot tin omacli on the brain should ! carefully eded. I,et the stomach he in dight ih ee disturbed, and the entire nervous ni becomes a sull'ercr. Ilrim: the -toni.u o > a healthy tone, and the inn veil- niacin in n oiuptly resumes it- perfe< t runtime mde:. appilr, there is no nci essjiv f,.r any l"'1 sarranei'inent of tin-function of tie h, since, in Ayer's pill-, we lian >| ct a combination, udmiral.lv adapted 1 lief. They have stood the I. - I of r . id have exhibited - ! H e I., pi op. rtic-n underfill. Tln ir i\i ute, l.y he. ;'o.' thistein in perfect ord- i, proai-.l- - hai ; v itya llil what i - far better, I li-ure- tin toll en lymetil of the tinn spent le i. . \\ i: icm and know tln ir value. . ... A 'ionecr. Mi'digfli ol < ust<?. Iiirtier of n Sinter l?> .? Ilroilt* r lit t*lnrlr-? lit t lir |)rc?l. A correspondent of tin London/, ig from Colombo, Ceylon, t. II n t! loiiifh caste has he. n rudely -hal.en, . .ally in the towns, it i- vvond lid h. LTOIIg in its hold even in the I . \ Ion < <a. intriets. InnvillaueoftheKaiidiin-, i mc aoii, In: writes, tin daughter of a mai liief having fallen in love with tin ..n >.f eat thy trader of a lower ?.t-1 , with v. I n lie had become aci|uaintcd win u a- Inc. anil irl tlity played togi tlier, n -olved to la.hi ic linger of lirr parents ami otln i n l.itivi nil agree to hit pru|iosal to appeal ic Knglish magistrate to be. i r-i?i?t? i I . lanicd couple?all tin: legal in-ni' uircil litre in the nee ni Ihiddhist-. 'I: irl'h younger brother, a hnl of - xtei n iscovcrcd the clo|ieiueiit, aiel loll . ' I ' ouplc to the court iloor, where let 1 1 . tieni, ainiil the u-ual crowd of j.1 tigants fur the :ij>|ntaraiii of lie' 1. ; late. Haughtily eoiiini.tinlili:'hi -I -r 1, I. liler by a year or two, to return home, mixing a refusal to npi ati-d p. reiu|.l alls, he at hist euddi lily tlri w a kn.le It is breast auil liluiig'd .|ito hi r le he riling to the side of hi 1 lover. I I. rawing the knife he .vaveil it roiiiel h -la . aying : "This is how 1 ilefeinl tie I. o ly family." The concourse o! nat.vi lauded rather than 11 n.siin d ti. 1, lie young lad went to 1!. , ' 1 recks after in Kindv, glory::.. n wl. ad done. lit re?pi ct of niti-ruiar: aste certainly still retains its led I. 11 rcalthieal ( iugah 1 mii.i >ti.r t , td, could not for tie rnoie . .aughtcr of a house of higher . , ti. . osscssing neither land nor n in v, !'.: he rii lies that might he .. red. Jlu' untie eases occasionally or of runu carriages between ditlerent ea-ti a, . s between different ra' uid relig p. 1 r two instances of .Male rm dan- e|..; riIII ( ingalese girls have 1 ei.rred, and : est has attrai led nola beeau*o o! the 1 rriiiination of tie: marriage. Tin h'l-l.a: ras so provoked by his wife [.ersi-tezit ailing for l*irk, in a lit of t. m; .y, after the birth of their lir-l el.,'; I. a - .. ? by incompatibility if d.-p - '.on rise, that lie, like auoth- r t it 1, had I mothered one night with a ( 'I lid eonvie'ted before tie .? 1 lahouicdan or "Moorman" . ti. ailed in Ceylon) w.ts 111-1. J til . cars' |s-na! servitude. :?II Conjunction of I'll it el h 11mosplirrlr tllwrln. I)r. it. T. Trail, in the !'i. i . 1 a very beerful nrophct. I! -.% % r. ,rc approaching the 1 limax t j cries!. From Iksn to I--" tie ; i ni - .1ter, Saturn, t'ranus, and No: t.: w I roach the eaxtli nearer than ! w iir 1*00 years. Whenever in-, our have come near enough r nflucncc, pestilence, famine, a:. ' if heat ami cold have I* in 1 a; 1 :1 Vow, we arc to have lie- mine e our combined, anil he pre ii i- t'.ai iCars from now all manner of e vil ? jrows out of almosphcri ha: inon us. To lessen if.- , 1l.11n.lv li i urj?e<l to use llie strictest unitary i lit*, and by health autl civilian. ui. u t tlic effects >'f our uiiwu ! in i. rhc world U so much bett< r a' n> Uelf than it was two or three hundred % tgo, that hv eare wo mav avert uandi i : laager. To the following > , 1., _ rery cold comfort: The dis -.jKite 1, the on, the debauchee may tal. ulatv < a ! iraong the first victims. Young an a u levitalizc themselves by tobacco usa . ioung ladies who destroy out-had ..t t! rrcathiog capacity by fashionable di. ight lacing, will never survive the perdu t( all the large plaucta of the - ir ind pel leaps it will be best th .. tin > ! ?0t.

Other pages from this issue: